基于语料库的美国总统就职演说的词汇学分析(DOC)

基于语料库的美国总统就职演说的词汇学分析(DOC)（精选6篇）

篇1：基于语料库的美国总统就职演说的词汇学分析(DOC)

摘 要: 通过语料库检索软件 Ranger 和 Antconc，研究 1789 年至 2013 年共 56 篇美国总统就职演讲语言的词汇特征。结果表明，词汇难度，演说辞均主要运用英语中最常用词汇，而次常用词汇、学术词汇以及其它词汇相对来说运用较少;人称代词，第一人称占据压倒性优势;情态动词，中量值情态动词使用比例最大，低量值情态动词次之，高量值词最小。

关键词: 语料库;美国总统;就职演讲;词汇特征

一、理论概述与研究现状(一)语料库语言学的定义

语料库语言学是20世纪80年代才崭露头角的一门交叉学科，它研究自然语言文本的采集、存储、加工和统计分析，目的是凭借大规模语料库提供的客观翔实的语言证据来从事语言学研究和指导自然语言信息处理系统的开发。语料库顾名思义就是放语言材料的仓库。现在人们谈起语料库，不言而喻是指存放在计算机里的原始文本或经过加工后带有语言学信息标注的语料文本。现在世界上已经有了不少规模较大的语料库，有些是国家级的，有些由大学和词典出版商联合建设。另外，由于个人微机的迅猛发展和存贮数据的硬盘造价持续下降，研究者个人也开始建立适合于自己研究的小型语料库。

语料库语言学（英文corpuslinguistics）这个术语有两层主要含义。一是利用语料库对语言的某个方面进行研究，即“语料库语言学”不是一个新学科的名称，而仅仅反映了一个新的研究手段。二是依据语料库所反映出来的语言事实对现行语言学理论进行批判，提出新的观点或理论。只有在这个意义上“语料库语言学”才是一个新学科的名称。从现有文献来看，属于后一类的研究还是极个别的。所以，严格地说，现在不能把语料库语言学跟语言学的分支，如社会语言学、心理语言学、语用学等相提并论。

(二)语料库研究现状

近年来，随着我国经济的发展，科研经费的增加，汉语语料库的建设得到了开展。1999年我院把建立汉语语料库列为院重大课题。目前语言所正在构建三个大规模的语料库：现场即席话语语料库，主要方言口语库和现代汉语文本语料库。在世界范围内，我国的语料库建设在规模上还赶不上欧洲的一些发达国家，特别是英国。然而，在语料库语言学的研究上，以及语料库的实际运用上，我国已经进入世界前沿的行列。

二、研究描述(一)研究目的

本研究旨在基于自建的美国总统就职演讲语料库，通过语料库检索软件 Ｒanger 和 AntConc，研究 1789 年至 2013 年共 56 篇美国总统就职演讲语言的词汇特征。

(二)研究过程

建立总库与子语料库。本文选取 1789 年至2013 年 45 任美国总统共 56 篇就职演讲以纯文本格式建立一个总库，总词数为 134132 个词。语料量大幅增加以使数据更有说服力和代表性。采用 Ｒanger 32 对 7 个字库的语料进行词频统计，以期发现美国总统就职演说辞在词汇使用方面的特征。运用 Antconc的主题词生成功能提取历时主题词。

三、数据分析与讨论(一)词汇的广度和难度

Ranger 分析词汇的基本原理为: 将某一文本中的词汇与某一词汇表相比较，通过观察哪些词出现或没有出现在该词汇表中以及出现在该词汇表中词汇的比率，从而得知该文本的用词情况。Ranger 内置了三个词汇表，分别为一级词表，二级词表和三级词表。一级词表包括最常用的约 1，000 个英语词族，二级词表包括次常用的约 1，000 个英语词族，三级词表包括前两个词频表之外的、高中和大学各科教材中最常用的学术词汇，共570 个英语词族。一个词族包含主词及其派生和屈折形式。运用 Ranger 将 6 个子库的总统就职演讲语料与三级基础词表作对比，得出语料库的形符、类符数。该库语料中共出现 3344 个词，其中 1244 个词(约 37．2%)属于一级词表，627 个属于二级词表，302 个属于三级词表，另有 171 个词在 3 个词表之外;这3344 个词汇共出现了 20872 次。以此类推，字库 2至 7 中的一级词汇的类符词频分别为 38． 62%、40．97%、38． 96%、40． 55%、48． 16%、48． 26%。可以看出，演讲语以一级词表中的词为主，即它采用的词汇大多数为英语中最常用的词汇，而英语里的次常用词汇、学术词汇以及其它词汇相对来说运用较少。而一级词汇在演讲中所占百分比的增加，表明从 18 世纪末到 21 世纪初美国总统就职演说的词汇难度有所降低，更倾向口语化。总统就职演说的听众包括社会的各个阶层，语言过于晦涩或过于口语化都会影响表达效果。而且，总统就职演说往往是其政治纲领的体现，涉及的领域很多，不可能深入讲一方面的问题。习惯使用英语中的常用词汇，这一点和人类语言理解和语言产生的特点是相吻介的。高频词辨认时间比低频词短，需要较少的感觉的输入、受邻近词的干扰较少。高频词的产生时间也短些，而低频词容易导致语音失误。

(二)主题词数据分析

主题词就是通过跟同类的参照语料库相比出现的频率异常的词不仅仅是高频的词。本文主要分析最有代表性的两类主题词: 人称代词和情态动词。

(一)人称代词

人称代词具有重要的人际功能。合理的使用可有效的缩短讲话人和听众之间的距离。优秀的演讲者使用人称代词，承认听众的价值，努力建立与他们的紧密联系，这样的表述体现了对听众存在的认可。通过归类，第一人称单复数形式包括 I、me、my、we、our。在前三个阶段，my 和 I 的主题性都位于前五位，具有较高的主题性。第一人称 I 的使用便于说话者表达自己的观点。而 we 既包含演讲者也包括听众，使演讲者的主张代表整个集体的职责的观点，从而更客观。而且，We 的频繁使用能够使总统和听众拉近心理距离，甚至把听众拉到自己的一边，和自己站到同一立场上，不仅显得亲切，也容易赢得听众的支持。运用Antconc 的搭配词表提取功能，分别搜索 my、I、we和 our 右边的固定搭配。频数较高的有: my fellow(57)，my countrymen(31)，my country(22);I shall(95)，I have(95)，I am(62);we have(254)，we are(160)，we must(115);our own(103)，our country(97)，our people(80)。通过比较可发现，使用“我”还是“我们”效果大不相同。复数可以把听众拉到自己一方，从而产生共鸣。单数则具有排他性，易引起拒人千里的消极感受。正因如此，our country 和our people 的使用频率远超过 my country 和 my countrymen。又如，“On this day，we come to proclaim anend to the petty grievances and false promises，„„”其实这句话只是表达了某种承诺，属于个人意愿，但倘若用“I come to proclaim”，则表达的是语言使用者直接对语言内容所负的责任，体现更多的是主观性和个人性。然而奥巴马使用第一人称复数 We，把个人想法转换成了公众认知的同时，表达了和公众站在同一立场的态度，达到与听众结盟的目的。

(二)情态动词

情态动词的功能在于表达对事物发展变化的可能性、能力、义务、意愿等所作的估计与判断。在就职演讲中，演讲者利用情态动词来表达自己的主观情感和观点，创造积极的力量激励听众。统计结果表明，总统就职演讲中，使用频率最高的情态动词为 will，占总数的 28． 6 %，其次是 can，占 15． 3%。排在第三的是 must，占使用情态动词的12%。根据《牛津现代高级英汉双解词典》，will 表达四种意义: 一种是意愿，二是命令，三是可能性，四是将来。其中表示“意愿”时常常与第一人称连用以示演讲者的决心，表达对听众的承诺。Can 主要表达“能力”，在非正式场合表示“许可”。这两个词都可以帮助就职演讲者表达观点，又可以避免绝对化。

例 1．“we will act — not only to create new jobs，but to lay a new foundation for growth． We will build the roads and bridges，the electric grids and digital lines„ We will restore science to its rightful place，and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care＇s quality and lower its cost． We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories． And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age．”

奥巴马总统使用 will表达了对新时期美国的经济建设、科技以及教育等方面的美好意愿和决心，为人们展示了新时代的景象。

例 2．“Because our strengths are so great，we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope．”

在上例中，Nixon 通过使用 can 来表达自己相信美国人民有能力坦率的估计他们的弱点并设法克服，达到了激励听众的目的。而 Must 属于高量值的情态动词，在 56 篇就职演讲中的使用比例仅次于 will 和can。但它并不表示就职演讲者专横武断。作为即将就任的总统，演讲者多用 must 表达语义强烈的义务和责任来树立总统的权威。

四、结 语

以上运用语料库检索方法从词汇分布和难度、主题词的分布等方面分析了美国总统就职演讲的词汇特征。主要结论是:

一、词汇难度上，演说辞均主要运用英语中最常用词汇，而次常用词汇、学术词汇以及其它词汇相对来说运用较少。

二、人称代词上，第一人称占据压倒性优势、三、情态动词中量值情态动词使用比例最大，低量值情态动词次之，高量值词最小。使用频率排在前三位的核心情态动词分别为will，can 和 must。不难看出，语料库方法使读者更明晰地看到美国总统就职演说在词汇方面的特征，为演讲的鉴赏与分析提供了新的方法。把基于计算机技术的语料库检索和话语分析相结合，观察语言的概率特点，可以得到对更理性的诠释。参考文献: ［1］ Crystal，D． Stylistic profiling［A］． In English Corpus Linguistics: Studies in Honor of Jan Swartvik［C］． London: Longman，1991． 121-238．

［2］ Scott，M． PC analysis of Key Words and Key Key Words． System，1997，25(2): 233-245．

［3］ 程实． 语料库工具 Ｒanger 在文体研究中的应用［J］． 语文学刊，2009，(9): 42-46．

［4］ 丁俊． 基于语料库的美国总统就职演讲研究［J］． 天津外国语 学院学报，2008，(2): 25-31．

［5］ 何安平． 语料库语言学与英语教学［M］． 北京: 外语教学与研 究出版社，2004: 1．

［6］ 李慧，李经纬． 基于语料库政治演讲语篇的批评性分析［J］． 武 陵学刊，2010，35(3)．

［7］ 罗建平． 析美国总统就职演说的历时语言特征—一项语料库 的量化调查［J］． 西南农业大学学报，2011，(9)．

郑州大学外语学院研究生课程论文

基于语料库的美国总统就职演说的词汇学分析

课 程 名 称

词汇学

学

号

201312081228

研 究 方 向

翻译理论和实践

成 绩

任 课 教 师

穆念伟

2014年 12 月 23 日

篇2：基于语料库的美国总统就职演说的词汇学分析(DOC)

美国总统就职演说是具有代表性的一种政治演说，它由总 统在就职时向国内外公开发表、宣布自己的施政纲领，说服公 众接受并支持自己的观点。美国总统就职演说作为一种独特 而重要的文体，是一个研究热点。这其中学者们研究关注的焦 点之一就是肯尼迪的就职演说。第35 任美国总统约翰·菲茨 杰拉德·肯尼迪的就职演说与富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福的 第一次就职演说被并称为20 世纪最令人难忘的两次美国总统 就职演说，共计1355 个单词的演说成为激励型语言和呼吁公 民义务的典范之作。在他的就职演说后，约有四分之三的美国 民众认可了新总统。该演说何以具有如此的说服力？本文拟 从象似角度作出解读。

二、象似性原则与肯尼迪演说

语言的象似性是指语言的能指和所指之间，亦即语言的形 式和内容之间有一种必然的联系，两者之间的关系是可以论证 的，是有理可据的。（沈家煊，1993；赵艳芳，2001：155-162）象 似性在语言教学、英汉对比、语用分析、文体分析中应用广泛。支配语言的象似性用法的法则称之为象似性原则。象似性原 则频频现身于各类语篇中，使语篇呈现出不同的文体特征。从 象似性的角度对就职演说加以研究能揭示其文体效果产生的 深层原因，并且对于欣赏和学习演讲技巧具有一定的指导意 义。为了论述方便，笔者将从距离象似性、数量象似性、对称象 似性、顺序象似性、标记象似性等几个方面对肯尼迪的就职演 说加以分析。

（一）距离象似性

海曼（Haiman，1983：872）提出，语言表达式之间的距离对 应它们所表示概念之间的距离。雷考夫和约翰逊（Lakoff and Johnson，1980：126-133）从隐喻的角度讨论了距离象似性问题。他们提出，语言成分的毗邻程度体现了概念之间互相影响的 程度。请看下面的例子：

And so，my fellowAmericans ask not what your country can do for you；ask what you can do for your country．My fellow citizens of the world，ask notwhatAmericawill do foryou，but what togetherwe can do for the freedom of man．

一般说来，我们常用的是“do not ask what．．．”的句式。而 在这两句当中，肯尼迪有意将“not”置于“what”之前（当然也有 出于对称考虑的需要），“not”和问的内容紧密相连，充分表达 了肯尼迪对什么该问，什么不该问的看法，很好地激励了美国 人民和世界人民去做他们该做的事情。

语篇中距离象似性与模写，字符距离，词语间距；社会距 离，交谈者距离；融合，插入，迂回，整散结构等修辞格及文体特 征紧密联系。（王寅，2000）肯尼迪虽赢得了1960 年的总统大 选，但是他的年轻、天主教身份、美国民众的有限支持使得民众 对他能否公正的履行总统职务疑虑重重。为了消除疑虑，肯尼 迪可谓不遗余力。他的就职演说中出现频率最高的词是“我 们”，始终强调他本人是其中一份子。肯尼迪拉近了高高在上 的总统与普通民众的距离；放低了姿态号召公众用宗教的宽容 心服务于国家的安康；跨越了意识形态的鸿沟，呼吁全人类团 结起来，共同反对专制、贫困、疾病和战争。肯尼迪作为美国总 统前所未有的与普通民众站在了一起，激发了民众内心的价值 和情感。

（二）数量象似性

数量象似性指语言符号的数量与其所表示概念的量和复 杂程度存在一致性关系。（王寅，2001：352）数量象似性其实 也是雷考夫和约翰逊（Lakoff and Johnson，1980：127）所说的空 间隐喻起作用的结果。语言表达式是容器，它们的意义是容器 的内容。当我们看到容器很小的时候，我们认为它们的内容也 少。当我们看到容器很大的时候，我们通常认为它们的内容 也很多。把这一思想应用到管道隐喻上，我们会得到如下认 识：形式越多，内容越多。新任总统要通过就职演说有限的篇 幅，清晰、恰当地传达出尽可能多的信息，以激发民众情感共 鸣，赢得信任和支持。肯尼迪就职演说全文1355 个单词，句法 形式多样，包含了简单句、复合句、复杂句、长句和短句。总统 在表达决心，发出号召的时候偏向于结构上复杂，语义上也复 杂的句子。请看下面的例子：

Let the word go forth from this time and place，to friend and foe alike，that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans，born in this century，tempered by war，disciplined by a hard and bitter peace，proud of our ancient heritage，and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed，and towhichwe are committed today at home and around the world． 这个句子信息密度强，五个短语描写新一代美国人，两个

“to which．．．”定语从句限定“human rights”，强有力地表现出

作者简介：莫艳艳（1982—），女，河南洛阳人，洛阳师范学院外国语学院教师，研究方向：应用语言学。

Vol.23.NO.5 Oct.2010 湖北函授大学学报

Journal of HUBEI Correspondence University 第23 卷第5 期 2010 年10 月 153 新一代美国人的经历和特点足以确保他们完成父辈传下的光 荣使命，也清楚地向全世界表达出美国捍卫人权的决心。同样地，下面的句子通过插入语、并列及头韵的运用恰当 地传达了美国人愿为确保自由的生存及最终胜利付出任何代 价。

Let every nation know，whether it wishes us well or ill，that we shall pay any price，bear any burden，meet any hardship，support any friend，oppose any foe，in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty．

句法形式的多样化既使得演说张弛有度，时刻吸引民众的 注意力，又使得演说向心力极强，随时激发民众共鸣。

（三）对称象似性

对称象似性是指“在概念上具有同等重要性和并列关系的 信息在表达上具有对称性”。（赵艳芳，2001：161）人具有追求 对称的欲望，而这种欲望源于人体自身所具有的基本对称性。（Norrman，1999：62-63）在政治演讲中，演讲者出于表达并列 意义的需要，也出于满足听众追求对称的天性从而激起其共鸣 的考虑，大量地使用并列结构。

该演说中肯尼迪用了六个以“To．．．”开头的并列结构来表 达美国对不同程度的盟友，对联合国，对敌方阵营的不同态度。这些态度对于美国的外交政策同等重要，因此处于并置的地 位。同时，这些结构的并置也起到了一种对照的作用，极为清 晰地传达出了美国对外政策的不同，起到了敦促各国保持或寻 求与美国建立良好关系的作用。他还用了四个“Let both sides．．．” 这样的并列结构来劝说和敦促以苏联为首的敌方阵营 采取与美国一样的政策。这样的并列结构对帮助美国树立正 面形象，赢得更多的支持起到了积极的作用。肯尼迪采用的并 列对照结构还有很多，如“symbolising an end as well as a beginning，signifying renewal as well as change”，“United，there is little we cannot do．．Divided，there is little we can do．．．”等。

（四）标记象似性

顺序象似性指语言形式的顺序与时间顺序具有一致性，并 且与文化观念密切相关。（王寅，2001：361）

标记象似性指“标记性从无到有的顺序象似于认知的自然 顺序及组词的一般顺序；有标记性象似于额外意义，无标记性 象似于可预测的信息。”（王寅，2001：369）一般说来，主语放在 句子开头是无标记形式，句子使用主语是无标记形式；相反，倒 装句和祈使句是有标记形式。请看下面例句：

In your hands，my fellow citizens more than mine，will rest the final success or failure of our course．

该倒装句具有明显的标记特征，比正常语序更能传达出肯 尼迪作为新任总统亲民，充分重视普通民众的良好形象。该演说沿袭古希腊、罗马的修辞、文风，精心选用圣经语言 句式，注意音韵效果，其风格严肃而庄重。因此，演说中出现的 let somebody do something 这样的口语表达便极具标记性特征。区别于口语表达Let me do it / Let’s sing the song together，演 说中的表达含有一种号召、命令的口吻，恰当地传达出美国人 的决心。第三、四段的两个句子译成汉语当然可以是：从现在 起，从这个地方开始，让这个信息传递到我们的朋友，也传递到 我们的敌人那里⋯⋯，让每个国家都知道⋯⋯。但这样的口气 太婉转了一些而与演说的格调不相称。当代美国惯用法词典 A Dictionary of Contemporary American Usage（Evans）的有关 讲解是这样的：let is also used to form a peculiar imperative that includes the speaker along with the person addressed，as in Let us be true to each other。这样一来，“let”句型就有一种号召的口 吻，us 也指我们以外的某人或某些人。《圣经》中“创世纪”第1 章3，4，15 段也有类似的句型。

And God said，let there be light；and there was light． And God saw the light，that itwas good；and God divided the light from the darkness．And let there be lights in the firmament of the heaven to give light upon the earth and it was so． 对于熟悉《圣经》的大多数美国民众而言，演说中“let”句 型的多次出现有强烈的暗示。他们是美国新任总统尊重的对 象、信任的对象和团结的对象。

三、结语

政治家们很大程度上依赖语言劝说民众接受他们的政治 主张和改革措施。他们精心准备和策划的演说要能构激发民 众在情感、价值观念上的共鸣才能促使其作出有意识的、合理 的判断。肯尼迪从考虑就职演说时就希望，希望用词可以激起 和平的希望，确定一个新时代的乐观基调。肯尼迪亲自撰写的 就职演说流畅地表达了他的意图，达到了以上目的。从象似性 角度看，该演说因同时运用距离象似性原则、数量象似性原则、对称象似性原则及标记象似性原则，而取得了良好的文体效 果，有效地实现其劝说和激励民众的目的。

参考文献：

［1］胡壮麟．美国功能语言学家Givon 的研究现状［J］．国外语言学，1996，（4）：1 ～ 10． ［2］沈家煊．句法的象似性问题［J］．外语教学与研究，1993，（1）：2 ～ 8．

［3］王寅．象似性：取得文体特征的重要手段［J］．四川外语学院学报，2000，（4）：39 ～ 43． ［4］王寅．语义理论与语言教学［M］．上海：上海外语教育出版社，2001． ［5］赵艳芳．认知语言学概论［M］．上海：上海外语教育出版社，2001．__

论肯尼迪就职演说一文的语言特征 重庆三峡学院外国语系 马仁良

[摘 要]约翰肯尼迪于1961 年1 月20 日所作的就职演说通篇充满了名句名言, 语言精辟, 言简意赅, 是一篇十分经典 的演说, 本文将从语言的修辞和语言的结构以及语言的风格对其语言特征加以论述。[关键词]语言特征 修辞 语言风格 语言结构

1、引言

为了非常有力地表达其观点和决定以及向他的敌人提出建 议, 肯尼迪用了大量变化多样的修辞格句子类型。他根据需要, 不断变化, 从很短的句子, 甚至从句子片段到相当长而复杂的句 子结构, 最引人注目的是他大量地使用平行结构和对照以及明 喻、重复、夸张、倒装、反问、头韵, 肯尼迪在演说中那强硬的措 词, 连同他坚毅的下颚、响亮的声音, 一起赋予这一演说以非凡 的力量。他不仅大量使用修辞, 而且在语言结构和语言风格方面 借用圣经的语言风格和引用圣经里的词语，2、平行结构

大量的平行结构, 爱憎分明的激情词语, 是这篇演说词最具

特色的地方。他在演说一开始就用了一个平行结构的句子, 他说 道,W e observe today no t a victo ry of a party but a celebrat ion of freedom , symbo lizing an end asw ell as a beginning, signifying renew al as w ell as change.在这个经过精心雕琢的句子里, 肯尼 迪极力强调了他就任美国总统这一事件的重大意义: 它不仅意 味着民主党战胜共和党的胜利(victo ry of a party), 而且他的 当选是人民按照自己的意志选择国家元首的自由权利的体现(celebrat ion of freedom)它标志着前一届总统(艾森豪威尔)任 期的结束, 同时也象征着新一届总统(肯尼迪)的任期的开始, 因 而这是一个承前启后, 继往开来的大事件(symbo lizing an end asw ell as a beginning, signifying renew al asw ell as change)。肯 尼迪在谈到维护自由, 使其长存不灭时说道: ⋯.w e shall pay any p rice, bear any burden, meet any hardsh ip , suppo rt any friend, oppo se any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.在这个平行结构中的几个动词短语的平行使用, 使语言 更加简练, 结构平衡匀称, 声音铿锵有力, 观点鲜明突出, 很有号 召力。另外在谈到发挥联合国的作用时, 他用了三个不定式的平行结构, 他说: ⋯w e renew our p ledge of suppo rt—— to p revent it from becom ing merely a fo rum fo r invect ive, to st rengthen its sh ield of the new and thew eak, and to enlarge the area in w h ich its w rit may run.他在谈到与美国有着同样文化和精神渊源的 西方世界, 谈到第三世界新独立的国家, 谈到生活在亚洲和非洲 贫困国家的人民, 谈到拉丁美洲, 谈到主权国家的世界性大会 ——联合国以及美国的敌人社会主义国家的时候, 一共用了六 个平行句, 在这些句子中他的语气有所侧重, 立场和态度鲜明, 他说到: To tho se o ld allies w ho se cultural and sp iritual o rigins w e share,w e p ledge the loyalty of faithful friends, ⋯.To tho se new states w hom w e w elcome to the rank s of the free w e p ledge our wo rd that one fo rm of co lonial cont ro l shall no t have passed aw ay merely to be rep laced by a far mo re iron tyranny.To tho se peop le in the huts and villages of half the globe st ruggling to break the bonds of mass m isery, w e p ledge our best effo rts to help them help them selves, ⋯.To our sister republics south of our bo rder,w e offer a special p ledge, ⋯.To that wo rld assembly of sovereign states, the U nited N at ions, our last best hope in an age w here the inst ruments of w ar have far outpaced the inst ruments of peace,w e renew our p ledge of suppo rt, ⋯.F inally, to tho se nat ions w ho would make them selves our adversary,w e offer no t a p ledge but a request.接着肯尼迪在向社会主义国家发出呼吁时又连续用了四个“let bo th sides⋯”这样的平行结构, 他说到: L et bo th sides exp lo re w hat p roblem s unite us instead of belabo ring tho se p roblem s w h ich divide us.L et bo th sides, fo r the first t ime, fo rmulate serious and p recise p ropo sals fo r the inspect ion and cont ro l of arm s, and bring the abso lute pow er to dest roy o ther nat ions under the abso lute cont ro l of all nat ions.L et bo th sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terro rs.Together let us exp lo re the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean dep th s, and encourage the arts and commerce.L et bo th sides unite to heed, in all co rners of the earth, the command of Isaiah —— to“undo the heavy burdens, and(to)let the opp ressed go free.”可是在发出呼吁之前他却一方面摆出 一副既友善又恐吓的样子说道: So let us begin anew —— remembering on bo th sides that civility is no t a sign of w eakness, and sincerity is alw ays subject to p roof.L et us never nego t iate out of fear, but let us never fear to nego t iate.从以上 的例子中我们可以看出肯尼迪用了多种平行结构, 既有句子结 构的平行也有动词原形、分词和动词不定式的平行, 这是这篇演 讲稿的最突出的特色之一。

3、隐语的运用

肯尼迪在这篇演说词中运用了很多隐语, 隐语在其中起到

了形象生动和画龙点睛的效果。例一, 肯尼迪在谈到过去有些国 家寻求社会主义国家的援助, 到头来却失去了自由, 认为这是一 种非常愚蠢的行为时, 暗示和威胁这些国家不要投入到社会主 义国家的怀抱, 他说到: ⋯ in the past, tho se w ho foo lish ly sough t pow er by riding the back of the t iger ended up inside 其 中的by riding the back of the t iger 是隐语, 意思为“骑虎难下;骑虎者终为虎噬”, 意指谋求社会主义国家的帮助最终将被社会 主义国家所吞噬。这样的比喻非常形象, 也很深刻。例二, 肯尼迪 在对南美洲国家以老大哥的口吻说要特别作出保证时用了两个 隐语, 一个是But th is peaceful revo lut ion of hope canno t become the p rey of ho st ile pow ers.另一个是.A nd let every o ther pow er know that th is hem isphere intends to remain the master of its ow n house.第一个中将th is peaceful revo lut ion of hope(充满希 望的和平革命)比作了the p rey of ho st ile pow ers(敌对国家的猎 物), 但美国决不会让它成为现实, 决不会让任何敌对国家颠覆 能给我们任何国家带来进步希望的和平革命。第二个中将 Americas(南美洲)比作a house, 意指这个地区决不允许任何 其他国家干涉其内部事物, 让南美洲各国成为这个地区的主人, 这是多么漂亮的话呀。例三, 在谈到帮助联合国扩大其影响和行 使其权利, 不要让联合国成为各国相互谩骂的场所的时候, 他说 道: ⋯to p revent it from becom ingmerely a fo rum fo r invect ive, to st rengthen its sh ield of the new and the w eak, and to enlarge the area in w h ich its w rit may run.这段中多处用隐语, 一是把 the p lace w here discussions are conducted by the members of the U nited N at ions 比作a fo rum fo r invect ive(各国谩骂的场 所);二是把the pow er of the U nited N at ions 比作a sh ield, 其真 正的含义是to st rengthen the pow er of the U nited N at ions to p ro tect the new ly independent and the w eak count ries 三是把 w rit 比作the U nited N at ions Charter(联合国宪章)。例四, 在谈 到和社会主义国家合作时, 他说: A nd, if a beachhead of cooperat ion may push back the jungle of susp icion, ⋯。将a small beginning of cooperat ion 比作a“beachhead”;将deep and w idesp read susp icion 比作a“jungle”其含义是: 如果初次的合 作能够减少彼此之间深深的疑虑的话, 那我们就开始合作吧, ⋯。例五, 肯尼迪在谈到在美国历史上只有几代人能在自由面临 极度危险的时候才被赋予保卫自由的任务, 今天这一重任落在 了我们这一代人的身上, 我们决不退缩, 要勇敢地承担起这一重 任时说: The energy, the devo t ion w h ich w e bring to the endeavo r w ill ligh t our count ry and all w ho serve it, and the glow from that fire can t ruly ligh t the wo rld.在这里肯尼迪把 the energy, the faith, the devo t ion of the American peop le 比作 the glow from that fire that w ill ligh t the U nited States and the wo rld。

4、大量的重复

肯尼迪为了使自己的演讲更加深入人心, 更能激发人民的 斗志, 他多次采用重复的修辞手法, 来强化自己的观点, 如: 1)to our sister republics south of our bo rder, w e offer a special p ledge: to convert our g ood wo rds into g ood deeds, in new alliance fo r p rogress, to assist freeman and free governments in cast ing off the chains of poverty.2)bring the absolu te pow er to dest roy o ther nat ions under the absolu te cont ro l of all nat ions.3)The energy, the devo t ion w h ich w e bring to the — 105 —

科技信息人文社科

endeavo r w ill lig h t our count ry and all w ho serve it, and the glow from that fire can t ruly lig h t the wo rld.4)⋯and unw illing to w itness o r perm it the slow undo ing of these human righ ts to w h ich th is nat ion has alw ays been comm itted , and to w h ich w e are comm itted today at home and around the wo rld 5)Fo r man ho lds in h is mo rtal hands the pow er to abo lish all f orm sof human poverty and all f orm s of human life.6)A nd yet the same revo lut ionary belief fo r w h ich our fo rbears fough t is st ill at issue around the globe, the belief that the righ ts of man come no t from the genero sity of the state nut from the hand of God.5、鲜明的对照 对照是故意把相反的字词、短语或从句等平行或平衡地排

篇3：基于语料库的美国总统就职演说的词汇学分析(DOC)

语法隐喻由功能语言学派的创始人Halliday在1985年的《功能语法入门》一书中正式提出。Halliday提出的语法隐喻超越了传统的词汇隐喻。他认为隐喻是有语法结构的, 同一种意思可以通过不同的表达方式表达, 但不同的表达方式却可以取得不同的效果, 作者可以根据自己的意图选择合适的表达方式, 获取预想的效果。Halliday还指出, 语法隐喻不是用一个词去代替另一个词, 而是用某一语法类别或语法结构去代替另一语法类别或语法结构。这两个类别分别或结构分别代表了同一种意思的两种表达方式。它们分别是一致式 (congruent form) 和隐喻式 (metaphorical form) , 即与一致式相对应的, 在某种程度上经过了“转换”的语言表达方式。一致性是语法隐喻的一个重要理论支柱。Halliday指出隐喻性的表达必然是相对某种非隐喻性的或字面的表达形式而言的, 他用一致式的表达代替了字面性的表达。

二、人际隐喻

韩礼德认为人际隐喻主要是通过语气 (mood) 系统和情态 (modality) 系统的变化来实现的。人们使用语言时借助语气和情态系统来陈述、提问、提供和发布命令, 从而达到交际目的。在体现这些功能范畴时, 人们根据语境的需要, 使用非一致式的语气或情态表达, 使一些语法形式隐喻化。如:

(1) It’s probably going to happen. (一致式)

(2) I think it’s going to happen, isn’t it? (隐喻式)

我们可以看出 (2) 是有明确主观的情态取向, 所以它是隐喻式。Halliday (2000:358) 把情态取向 (oriention) 分为主观取向和客观取向, 也就是说, 情态成分可以表明说话者对命题的主观态度或意愿, 也可以表现某种客观存在的可能性或必然性。另外, 主客观取向又有显性和隐性之分, 这样就形成了以下四种情态取向、显性主观、隐性主观、隐性客观和显性客观。

语气人际隐喻主要表现为“从一种语气域向另一种语气域的转移”。功能语言学把言语的功能分为四种:提供 (offer) 、命令 (command) 、陈述 (statement) 和提问 (question) 。这四种言语功能一般都由典型的语气体现。一般来说, 陈述由陈述句来体现, 提问由疑问句来体现, 命令由祈使句来体现。但事实上, 言语功能与语气系统之间的关系是十分复杂的, 决不是简单的一一对应关系。一种言语功能可以由不同的语气来体现, 如:

Pass me that book, please.

Would you please pass me that book?

You must pass me that book.

反之, 一种语气也可以体现一种以上的言语功能, 如:

I wonder if you are available tonight. (陈述句表示提问)

We don’t buy any food today. (陈述句表示命令)

三、具体实例的人际隐喻分析

笔者一共选取了8篇有代表性的美国总统的就职演说作为语料进行分析, 通过对这些就职演说的分析, 笔者发现这些就职演说中存在大量的人际隐喻, 由于篇幅关系, 笔者只对8个典型的句子中的人际语法隐喻进行详尽阐述和分析。

1. When our Founders boldly declared America’s independence..., they knew that America to endure would have to change. (克林顿, 1993)

这是一个通过主句“they knew that”引导的一个客观显性的人际语法隐喻。克林顿通过先辈们的遇见来使人们相信美国必将改变, 这比他自己说I know that更客观、更具有说服力。

2. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. (肯尼迪, 1961)

这个句子也体现了由主句“We dare not forget today that”引导的一个主观显性的人际隐喻。这是一个主观显性的人际隐喻, 因为通过主观的手段, 肯尼迪达到了一种呼吁的效果, 让全国人们都不要忘记了他们是民主的后裔。

3. I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my in-duction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our nation impels. (罗斯福, 1933)

这句话里的第二个小句“that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our nation impels.”是由一个介词词组“on my induction”引导的, 这个介词词组实际上是一个压缩了的时间状语从句的小句。经过压缩, 就实现了及物性转变, 由物质过程的小句转变成了一个介词词组, 成为新的小句里的状语成分。

其一致性表达为:When I am inducted into the...I will...。

4. At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is... (林肯, 1865)

这一句同上一句一样, 是由一个时间状语的小句压缩成介词词组的, 作状语成分。其一致式为:I am appearing here totake the...。

5. How shall we use that peace?Let us...Let us...Let us... (尼克松, 1973)

这是一个典型的人际语法隐喻里的语气语法隐喻。尼克松总统在这里用提问的形式给出了信息, 告诉人们应该怎么利用和平为美国为全世界作出贡献。所以这是一个语气的转化, 由陈述式的语气转化成特殊疑问句的语气。

6. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. (小布什)

这是布什2001年就职时发表的演说, 这一句是从及物性看属于关系过程。介词by后的成分属于状语成分。从传统语法看, 这是一个被动语态的句子。为什么布什总统要用被动语态, 要用关系过程表达呢?因为他要强调载体 (carrier) 美国人的雄心壮志。事实上这个句子经过了语法隐喻的过程, 是由物质过程转化而来的关系过程。这个句子物质过程的表达就是传统语法的主动语态。如下:

The failing schools and hidden prejudice and circumstances of their birth limit the ambitions of some Americans.

如果用一致式即物质过程来表达就没用体现出美国人雄心壮志的重要性, 因为它放在了句尾, 作为物质过程的范围。而布什在这里想表达的是美国人雄心壮志达的重要性, 强调不能因为其他因素而阻止这种雄心的实现。

7. We offer not a pledge but a request:that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. (肯尼迪, 1961)

同罗斯福总统一样, 肯尼迪也是通过陈述句来表达他的命令。是想通过对观点的陈述而委婉发表一种命令。肯尼迪上台执政前, 国际政治局面是有美国和苏联共同控制的, 冷战在东西方达到了剑拔弩张的程度。与此同时, 美国跟其他国家也陷入了战争的僵局。在这种情况下, 美国依然想取得世界的霸权地位。肯尼迪是在对全世界发表这场演讲, 如果他依然气势凌人地发表命令的话, 势必会使情况更加恶化, 所以他通过人际语法隐喻把他的这种命令语气隐藏了起来, 也让国民和其他国家容易接受。

8. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greedand irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age...The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act——not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. (奥巴马, 2008)

从中我们可以看出, 奥巴马总统是在陈述美国正面临着一场巨大的金融风暴的事实。从表面上看是对事实陈述自己的观点。但仔细琢磨分析我们不难发现奥巴马总统是想通对美国经济萧条事实的陈述, 来表达美国需要进行经济改革的紧迫性。同时希望听众能以后执行他的命令。他用陈述句的语气让他的命令听起来更加合理, 让人们在无意识的状态下接受了它的命令。

四、结语

通过对七位美国总统就职演说中语法隐喻的分析, 我们可以发现这些政治家的演讲当中存在大量的人际隐喻。当总统或首相想要对一些问题提出建议的时候, 就会使用一般疑问句或者特殊疑问句的人际隐喻。他们的真正目的不是想从听众那里获取答案, 而是告诉听众应该怎么做。当总统或首相想要表达自己的宏伟理想的时候, 他就会使用主句引导的主从句式的人际语法隐喻。最常见的是I promise..., I believe..., I will...等句式。通过这样的主观显性的承诺, 他们让听众觉得他有能力, 有信心带给听众们想要的东西, 如和平、繁荣的经济、就业率上升、提高公民福利等, 从而获取听众的支持。

摘要：隐喻是一直是语言学界一个重要的研究对象, 而语法隐喻又是系统功能语言学的一个很重要概念。它与传统的词汇隐喻既有联系也有区别。本文主要从语法隐喻中的人际隐喻方面分析了美国总统就职演说中的语法隐喻, 旨在为政治性演说文体提供新的评判标准, 从而让公众更好地理解和分析政治性演说文体背后的真实目的。

关键词：人际隐喻,功能分析,就职演说

参考文献

[1]Halliday, M.A.K.An Introduction to Functional Grammar[M].Beijing:Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press;London:Edward Arnold (Publishers) Limited, 2000.

[2]Halliday, M.A.K., Ruquaiya Hasan.Cohesion in English[M].Beijing:Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press;London:Edward Arnold (Publishers) Limited, 2001.

[3]Thompson, Geoff.Introducing Functional Grammar[M].Beijing:Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press;London:Edward Arnold (Publishers) Limited, 2000.

[4]胡壮麟, 朱永生, 张德禄.系统功能语法概论[M].长沙:湖南教育出版社, 1989.

[5]胡壮麟.评语法隐喻的韩礼德模式[J].外语教学与研究, 2000, (2) :88-94.

[6]范文芳.语法隐喻理论研究[M].北京:外语教学与研究出版社, 2001.

[7]常晨光.英语中的人际语法隐喻[J].外语与外语教学, 2000, (7) :6-8.

篇4：基于语料库的美国总统就职演说的词汇学分析(DOC)

关键词：美国总统；就职演说；第一人称；指示语；语用学

中图分类号：H313 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1673-2596（2015）11-0166-02

一、美国总统就职演说的意义及重要性

美国历届总统就职之前均会举办正式的就职典礼，在典礼上新任总统会发表吸引国内外瞩目的就职演说（inaugural address）。总统的就职演说不同于多数的正式演说，主要原因在于其特殊的政治目的。从国内的角度来说，就职演说的政治目标不在于争取选民选票，而在于却令新当选总统作为超脱于党派斗争智商的国家元首的地位，着力恢复同种对美国传统价值观的信念，并最终好找全体美国人民共同协助新总统实现其政治抱负。另一方面，从国际的角度来看，美国作为世界唯一的超级大国，新当选总统的就职演说也是其及其当选政党向世界传达的一种美国之声。

因此，作为一种特殊的政治语篇，美国总统就职演说语篇具有特定的交际形式、交际目的。所以我们在分析美国总统就职演说的语用意义时，需区别与其他政治语篇。

二、人称指示语及第一人称指示语

指示语（deixis）是语用学的一个重要议题，指在语境中才能确定其所指对象或所指信息的词语或结构。何自然认为，“语用学研究语境条件下的语言使用与理解，而指示语可通过语言结构直接反应语言与语境之间的关系，尤其是语言使用与理解的语境依赖性。

根据Fillmore，人称指示语（person deixis）是指编码言语活动中参与者与相关角色的符号指称，是谈话双方用话语传达信息的相互称呼，在目前五类指示语研究中占据主体与核心地位，其他四类为时间指示语（time deixis），地点指示语（place deixis）， 话语、语篇指示语（discourse/text deixis），社交指示语（social deixis）。

英语中的第一人称指示语是指包括说话人的人称指示语，有单指与复指之分。单指第一人称指示语I，me是不包括听话人在内的指示对象，而复指第一人称指示语we，us等是指包括说话人一方（复数）或包括听话人在内的指示对象。对于第一人称指示语的不同选择在不同的语篇中会表达和透露出交际中心者的不同交际目的。通常情况下，I等单指第一人称指示语的选用多用于表达个人意见、情感、责任等，另一方面交际中心者通过对we等复指第一人称指示语的选用拉近与听话人的距离，实现不同的语用效果。

三、美国总统就职演说中第一人称指示语使用的语用意义

在美国总统就职演讲中，使用最多的指示语就是第一人称，其原因有两个。其一，总统演讲的目的一般是表明自己的主张和立场，及其任期内的计划和安排等，从而得到听众的认可和赞同，在此使用单指第一人称指示语I可以很好地达到目的，所以I的频繁使用是自然而然的事情。其二，使用复指第一人称we，是因为复指第一人称指示语的使用很容易拉近人们之间的关系，从而增加演讲的可信度，以获得听众的支持。而且，we的使用虽然较含蓄，却可以唤起听众的团体意识，具有很强的鼓动性。从历届总统就职演说中，我们还可以看出人称指示语使用方面的一个显著特点，即复指第一人称指示语we的使用随着时代变化在不同时期的总统演讲中呈现明显增多的趋势。

（一）美国总统就职演说中单指第一人称指示语的使用

乔治·华盛顿是美国历史上的首任总统，被称为“美利坚合众国父”。经过八年战争与国内政治动乱，乔治·华盛顿在众人的一致推选下成为美国总统，并于1789年发表就职演说。

在华盛顿总统的就职演说中，出现了大量的第一人称指示语的运用，这是往后总统演说中少见的现象。其中演说首段“On the one hand， I was summoned by my country， whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love， from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection， and ，in my flattering hopes， with an immutable decision， as the asylum of my declining year-a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination， and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.”该段介绍了华盛顿总统在“祖国召唤”的情况下，抛弃自身的向往愿望，毅然从政的背景状况。其中“I”作为自身与“the country”祖国之间的配搭高频出现，其语用目的在于传达总统放弃个人，遵从国家与名族利益的高度使命感。另一方面，宣示一种“国家至上”的民族主义。在刚刚独立的美国，这对于形成国家凝聚力有着重要的宣化作用。

而在华盛顿的连任就职典礼上，他发表了历史上最短的总统就职演讲，全文仅仅只有135字。他说道：“That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof， I may （ besides incurring constitutional punishment） be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.”作为美国宪法的见证者与最重要的参与人，乔治·华盛顿在他的演讲中表明了个人I及在个人任期“my administration”的所有行为都将遵从宪法至高无上的地位。在如此的语境下，为了淡化民众对于他操纵政治的担心，华盛顿用单数第一人称指示语的反复使用，说明总统的权力也是宪法所授予的，包括总统在内的任何人都不可凌驾于法律之上。

（二）美国总统就职演说中复指第一人称指示语的使用

然而，从历届总统就职演说中，我们还可以看出人称指示语使用方面的一个显著特点，即复指第一人称指示语的使用随着时代的变化在不同时期的总统演讲中呈现明显增多的趋势，出现大量以第一人称指示语复数代替单数的情况，这其中的语用含义主要出于拉近听者与讲者之间的距离的考虑，达到移情的效果。

乔治·H·W·布什尽管连任了美国54、55届总统，但在两次选举中均是以微弱优势取胜。此外，在他的执政期间，9.11恐怖袭击的灾后应对以及之后发动的伊拉克战争都降低了其在美国国内的支持度。同时，布什总统推行的许多外交政策，也在国际上引来很多反对的声音。在小布什总统2005年第二任总统就职演说中，他采用大量的第一人称复指指示语。例如“All who live in tyranny and hopeless can know： the United States will not ignore your oppression， or excuse your oppressors. When you stand for your liberty， we will stand with you.”总统的这一用法包含着明显的语用意义。对内，在大部分美国民众都反对伊拉克战争的大环境下，这种用法企图将整体美国民众归于同一阵营，号召人民成为“正义者”，去迎击所谓的“压迫者”。而对外，他也宣示着一种所谓正义性。

而作为美国首任黑人总统的巴拉克·奥巴马，在2008年他的第一任总统就职演讲中提到“This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed- why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall”。奥巴马总统的当选，无疑是有色人种在美国政治历史上的巨大胜利，更是整个国家在人种解放上取得的巨大进步。因此，奥巴马总统以“our liberty”， “our creed”来形容自己当选的深远意义。

四、结语

第一人称指示语在美国总统就职演讲语篇中的使用与变化在一定意义上展示了美国政治乃至整个国家的发展与进程。从语用学的角度去研究第一人称指示语在演说中的使用，从语境出发补充了语义学不可能涉及的方面，对研究美国总统就职演讲有着重要的作用。

参考文献：

〔1〕肖福寿.美国总统就职演说赏析[M].上海：上海大学出版社，2009.

〔2〕谢华，张琳.第一人称指示语的使用及其语用分析-以希拉里和奥巴马的演讲词为例[J].南昌航空大学学报，（111）.

〔3〕何自然，冉永平.新编语用学概论[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2010

〔4〕黄国文.言语交际中的指示人称代词[J].四川外国语学院学报，1999（1）.

〔5〕田海龙.英汉语we/我们的人际功能与文化差异[J].天津外国语学院学报，2001（3）.

〔6〕Leech， Geoffrey. Principles of Pragmatics. London： Longman， 1983.

〔7〕Fillmore，Charles J. 1971a. Santa Cruz lectures on Deixis. Reproduced， 1975. Indiana： IU Linguistic Club.

〔8〕Levinson， S. C. 1983. Pragmatics. Cambridge： Cambridge University Press.

篇5：美国总统川普就职演说全文

Chief Justice Roberts, President Carter, President Clinton, President Bush, President Obama, fellow Americans, and people of the world: Thank you.首席大法官罗伯茨先生、卡特前总统、克林顿前总统、布什前总统、奥巴马前总统、各位美国同胞、世界人民：感谢你们！

We, the citizens of America, are now joined in a great national effort to rebuild our country and to restore its promise for all of our people.各位美国公民，我们现在正参与到一项伟大的全国性事业当中：重建我们的国家、重塑对全体人民的承诺。

Together, we will determine the course of America, and the world, for many, many years to come.我们一起将决定未来多年来美国、甚至整个世界的前途命运！

We will face challenges.We will confront hardships.But we will get the job done.我们将面对挑战、我们会遭遇困难，但是这项事业终将会成功！

Every four years, we gather on these steps to carry out the orderly and peaceful transfer of power, and we are grateful to President Obama and First Lady Michelle Obama for their gracious aid throughout this transition.They have been magnificent.每过四年，我们都相聚在这里进行有序和平的权力交接，我们应该感谢奥巴马总统和第一夫人米歇尔，感谢他们在权力交接中给与我们的慷慨帮助。他们真的很棒！

Today’s ceremony, however, has very special meaning.Because today we are not merely transferring power from one administration to another, or from one party to anotherbut the people did not share in its wealth.华盛顿一派繁荣——但是人民却没有分享到应有的财富。

Politicians prosperedstarting right here, and right now, because this moment is your moment: it belongs to you.但这些都会改变——就从这儿开始、就从现在开始！因为你们的时刻来临了：这一刻属于你们！

It belongs to everyone gathered here today and everyone watching all across America.这次胜利属于所有聚集在这里的人、属于全美国所有正在观看这次典礼的人！

This is your day.This is your celebration.这是属于你们的一天、这是属于你们的庆祝日！

And this, the United States of America, is your country.而这个国家——美利坚合众国，也是你们的国家。

What truly matters is not which party controls our government, but whether our government is controlled by the people.真正重要的并不是我们的政府由哪一个政党掌控，而是我们的政府到底是不是由人民做主。

January 20th, 2017, will be remembered as the day the people became the rulers of this nation again.2017年1月20日，这一天将被永远铭记，人民重新成为了这个国家的主宰！

The forgotten men and women of our country will be forgotten no longer.那些曾经被忽视的人将不会再被遗忘！

Everyone is listening to you now.现在所有人都在倾听你们。

You came by the tens of millions to become part of a historic movement the likes of which the world has never seen before.你们数以千万计的人投入到这场历史运动中，这样的事情世界上从来没有过！At the center of this movement is a crucial conviction: that a nation exists to serve its citizens.这场就职典礼的中心是一个极其重要的信念：国家是为服务人民而存在的！

Americans want great schools for their children, safe neighborhoods for their families, and good jobs for themselves.美国人民想要为他们的孩子提供良好的学校教育、为他们的家庭提供安全的生活环境、为他们自己提供好的就业岗位。

These are the just and reasonable demands of righteous people and a righteous public.这些是正直的人民和正直的公众所发出的公正合理的要求！

But for too many of our citizens, a different reality exists: Mothers and children trapped in poverty in our inner cities;rusted-out factories scattered like tombstones across the landscape of our nation;an education system, flush with cash, but which leaves our young and beautiful students deprived of all knowledge;and the crime and the gangs and the drugs that have stolen too many lives and robbed our country of so much unrealized potential.但是许多公民的境况和我们的期望并不相符：在内城里，母亲和孩子困顿于贫穷之中；锈迹斑斑的工厂像墓碑一样遍布我们国家的土地；教育系统充斥着黑暗的权钱交易，剥夺了我们年轻俊俏的学生们本该学到的知识；犯罪团伙和毒品夺走了许多人的生命、阻碍了我们国家如此之多未被开发的潜力。

This American carnage stops right here and stops right now.我们国家的这些屠杀行为将从此时、此地开始，永远地结束！

We are one nationand I will never, ever let you down.为了你们，我将拼尽每一口气奋战到底——而我永远不会让你们失望！

America will start winning again, winning like never before.美国将重新成为胜者，它的胜利将远超往昔一切荣光！

We will bring back our jobs.We will bring back our borders.We will bring back our wealth.And we will bring back our dreams.我们将夺回属于我们的工作；我们将重新守住我们的边疆；我们将拿回属于我们的财富；我们将重拾我们的梦想。

We will build new roads, and highways, and bridges, and airports, and tunnels, and railways all across our wonderful nation.在我们辽阔壮丽的国土之上，我们将重建我们的道路、高速公路、桥梁、机场、隧道和铁路。

We will get our people off of welfare and back to workbut we do so with the understanding that it is the right of all nations to put their own interests first.我们也将和世界其他国家和睦修好——但是却有一个共同原则：所有国家都有权以自己的利益优先。

We do not seek to impose our way of life on anyone, but rather to let it shine as an examplefor everyone to follow.我们不寻求把自己的生活方式强加于别人，但是却更加期望它发挥榜样的光辉——我们也能够做到，让所有愿意效仿我们的人都能感受到这种榜样的力量。

We will reinforce old alliances and form new oneswe are protected, and we will always be protected.我们不应在心存恐惧——我们会被保护，我们永远都将受到保护！

We will be protected by the great men and women of our military and law enforcement and, most importantly, we will be protected by God.军队和执法部门这些优秀的男男女女们都将保护我们，更重要的是，上帝会保护我们！

Finally, we must think big and dream even bigger.最后，我们要敢想、敢做梦！

In America, we understand that a nation is only living as long as it is striving.在美国，我们明白一个国家只有不断进取才能够生存下去。

We will no longer accept politicians who are all talk and no action-constantly complaining but never doing anything about it.我们不会再接纳那些只说不做、只会抱怨而从不试图做出改变的政客。

The time for empty talk is over.大谈空话的时代已经结束了！

Now arrives the hour of action.现在是实干的时间！

Do not allow anyone to tell you that it cannot be done.No challenge can match the heart and fight and spirit of America.不要听信任何人说你不可能成功。美国人的心性、战斗力和精神可以克服任何挑战。

We will not fail.Our country will thrive and prosper again.我们不会失败，我们的国家将会再次繁荣和发展起来！

We stand at the birth of a new millennium, ready to unlock the mysteries of space, to free the Earth from the miseries of disease, and to harness the energies, industries and technologies of tomorrow.我们正迎来一个新的世纪，准备好破解太空的奥秘、将世界从病魔的折磨中解脱、驾驭未来的能源、产业和科技。

A new national pride will stir our souls, lift our sights, and heal our divisions.一种新的国家荣誉感将在我们心中激荡，提升我们视野、愈合我们的分裂。

It is time to remember that old wisdom our soldiers will never forget: that whether we are black or brown or white, we all bleed the same red blood of patriots, we all enjoy the same glorious freedoms, and we all salute the same great American Flag.现在是时候让美国的战士们记起将来绝不会忘记的古老智慧：无论我们是黑皮肤、黄皮肤、还是白皮肤，我们都流淌着爱国主义的鲜血，我们共同享受自由的光辉，我们共同向伟大的美国国旗致敬！

And whether a child is born in the urban sprawl of Detroit or the windswept plains of Nebraska, they look up at the same night sky, they fill their heart with the same dreams, and they are infused with the breath of life by the same almighty Creator.无论我们的孩子是出生在底特律城郊，还是出生在内布拉斯加州被风吹拂的平原上，他们抬头仰望的都是同一片夜空，他们内心都怀揣着同样的梦想，他们的生命都由同一个万能的主所赋予。

So to all Americans, in every city near and far, small and large, from mountain to mountain, and from ocean to ocean, hear these words: 因此所有的美国人，无论远近，即便远隔万水千山，你们也要记住：

You will never be ignored again.你们再也不会被忽视！

Your voice, your hopes, and your dreams, will define our American destiny.And your courage and goodness and love will forever guide us along the way.你们的声音、你们的希望和你们的梦想，将决定我们美国人的命运！你们的勇气、你们是善意和你们的爱，将永远指引我们的方向！

Together, we will make America strong again.我们会让美国再次强大！We will make America wealthy again.我们会让美国再次富有！

We will make America proud again.我们会让美国再次骄傲！

We will make America safe again.我们会让美国再次安全！

And, yes, together, we will make America great again.是的当然，我们还会让美国再次强大！

篇6：基于语料库的美国总统就职演说的词汇学分析(DOC)

Inaugural Address of Calvin Coolidge

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 4, 1925

My Countrymen: No one can contemplate current conditions without finding much that is satisfying and still more that is encouraging.Our own country is leading the world in the general readjustment to the results of the great conflict.Many of its burdens will bear heavily upon us for years, and the secondary and indirect effects we must expect to experience for some time.But we are beginning to comprehend more definitely what course should be pursued, what remedies ought to be applied, what actions should be taken for our deliverance, and are clearly manifesting a determined will faithfully and conscientiously to adopt these methods of relief.Already we have sufficiently rearranged our domestic affairs so that confidence has returned, business has revived, and we appear to be entering an era of prosperity which is gradually reaching into every part of the Nation.Realizing that we can not live unto ourselves alone, we have contributed of our resources and our counsel to the relief of the suffering and the settlement of the disputes among the European nations.Because of what America is and what America has done, a firmer courage, a higher hope, inspires the heart of all humanity.These results have not occurred by mere chance.They have been secured by a constant and enlightened effort marked by many sacrifices and extending over many generations.We can not continue these brilliant successes in the future, unless we continue to learn from the past.It is necessary to keep the former experiences of our country both at home and abroad continually before us, if we are to have any science of government.If we wish to erect new structures, we must have a definite knowledge of the old foundations.We must realize that human nature is about the most constant thing in the universe and that the essentials of human relationship do not change.We must frequently take our bearings from these fixed stars of our political firmament if we expect to hold a true course.If we examine carefully what we have done, we can determine the more accurately what we can do.We stand at the opening of the one hundred and fiftieth year since our national consciousness first asserted itself by unmistakable action with an array of force.The old sentiment of detached and dependent colonies disappeared in the new sentiment of a united and independent Nation.Men began to discard the narrow confines of a local charter for the broader opportunities of a national constitution.Under the eternal urge of freedom we became an independent Nation.A little less than 50 years later that freedom and independence were reasserted in the face of all the world, and guarded, supported, and secured by the Monroe doctrine.The narrow fringe of States along the Atlantic seaboard advanced its frontiers across the hills and plains of an intervening continent until it passed down the golden slope to the Pacific.We made freedom a birthright.We extended our domain over distant islands in order to safeguard our own interests and accepted the consequent obligation to bestow justice and liberty upon less favored peoples.In the defense of our own ideals and in the general cause of liberty we entered the Great War.When victory had been fully secured, we withdrew to our own shores unrecompensed save in the consciousness of duty done.Throughout all these experiences we have enlarged our freedom, we have strengthened our independence.We have been, and propose to be, more and more American.We believe that we can best serve our own country and most successfully discharge our obligations to humanity by continuing to be openly and candidly, in tensely and scrupulously, American.If we have any heritage, it has been that.If we have any destiny, we have found it in that direction.But if we wish to continue to be distinctively American, we must continue to make that term comprehensive enough to embrace the legitimate desires of a civilized and enlightened people determined in all their relations to pursue a conscientious and religious life.We can not permit ourselves to be narrowed and dwarfed by slogans and phrases.It is not the adjective, but the substantive, which is of real importance.It is not the name of the action, but the result of the action, which is the chief concern.It will be well not to be too much disturbed by the thought of either isolation or entanglement of pacifists and militarists.The physical configuration of the earth has separated us from all of the Old World, but the common brotherhood of man, the highest law of all our being, has united us by inseparable bonds with all humanity.Our country represents nothing but peaceful intentions toward all the earth, but it ought not to fail to maintain such a military force as comports with the dignity and security of a great people.It ought to be a balanced force, intensely modem, capable of defense by sea and land, beneath the surface and in the air.But it should be so conducted that all the world may see in it, not a menace, but an instrument of security and peace.This Nation believes thoroughly in an honorable peace under which the rights of its citizens are to be everywhere protected.It has never found that the necessary enjoyment of such a peace could be maintained only by a great and threatening array of arms.In common with other nations, it is now more determined than ever to promote peace through friendliness and good will, through mutual understandings and mutual forbearance.We have never practiced the policy of competitive armaments.We have recently committed ourselves by covenants with the other great nations to a limitation of our sea power.As one result of this, our Navy ranks larger, in comparison, than it ever did before.Removing the burden of expense and jealousy, which must always accrue from a keen rivalry, is one of the most effective methods of diminishing that unreasonable hysteria and misunderstanding which are the most potent means of fomenting war.This policy represents a new departure in the world.It is a thought, an ideal, which has led to an entirely new line of action.It will not be easy to maintain.Some never moved from their old positions, some are constantly slipping back to the old ways of thought and the old action of seizing a musket and relying on force.America has taken the lead in this new direction, and that lead America must continue to hold.If we expect others to rely on our fairness and justice we must show that we rely on their fairness and justice.If we are to judge by past experience, there is much to be hoped for in international relations from frequent conferences and consultations.We have before us the beneficial results of the Washington conference and the various consultations recently held upon European affairs, some of which were in response to our suggestions and in some of which we were active participants.Even the failures can not but be accounted useful and an immeasurable advance over threatened or actual warfare.I am strongly in favor of continuation of this policy, whenever conditions are such that there is even a promise that practical and favorable results might be secured.In conformity with the principle that a display of reason rather than a threat of force should be the determining factor in the intercourse among nations, we have long advocated the peaceful settlement of disputes by methods of arbitration and have negotiated many treaties to secure that result.The same considerations should lead to our adherence to the Permanent Court of International Justice.Where great principles are involved, where great movements are under way which promise much for the welfare of humanity by reason of the very fact that many other nations have given such movements their actual support, we ought not to withhold our own sanction because of any small and inessential difference, but only upon the ground of the most important and compelling fundamental reasons.We can not barter away our independence or our sovereignty, but we ought to engage in no refinements of logic, no sophistries, and no subterfuges, to argue away the undoubted duty of this country by reason of the might of its numbers, the power of its resources, and its position of leadership in the world, actively and comprehensively to signify its approval and to bear its full share of the responsibility of a candid and disinterested attempt at the establishment of a tribunal for the administration of even-handed justice between nation and nation.The weight of our enormous influence must be cast upon the side of a reign not of force but of law and trial, not by battle but by reason.We have never any wish to interfere in the political conditions of any other countries.Especially are we determined not to become implicated in the political controversies of the Old World.With a great deal of hesitation, we have responded to appeals for help to maintain order, protect life and property, and establish responsible government in some of the small countries of the Western Hemisphere.Our private citizens have advanced large sums of money to assist in the necessary financing and relief of the Old World.We have not failed, nor shall we fail to respond, whenever necessary to mitigate human suffering and assist in the rehabilitation of distressed nations.These, too, are requirements which must be met by reason of our vast powers and the place we hold in the world.Some of the best thought of mankind has long been seeking for a formula for permanent peace.Undoubtedly the clarification of the principles of international law would be helpful, and the efforts of scholars to prepare such a work for adoption by the various nations should have our sympathy and support.Much may be hoped for from the earnest studies of those who advocate the outlawing of aggressive war.But all these plans and preparations, these treaties and covenants, will not of themselves be adequate.One of the greatest dangers to peace lies in the economic pressure to which people find themselves subjected.One of the most practical things to be done in the world is to seek arrangements under which such pressure may be removed, so that opportunity may be renewed and hope may be revived.There must be some assurance that effort and endeavor will be followed by success and prosperity.In the making and financing of such adjustments there is not only an opportunity, but a real duty, for America to respond with her counsel and her resources.Conditions must be provided under which people can make a living and work out of their difficulties.But there is another element, more important than all, without which there can not be the slightest hope of a permanent peace.That element lies in the heart of humanity.Unless the desire for peace be cherished there, unless this fundamental and only natural source of brotherly love be cultivated to its highest degree, all artificial efforts will be in vain.Peace will come when there is realization that only under a reign of law, based on righteousness and supported by the religious conviction of the brotherhood of man, can there be any hope of a complete and satisfying life.Parchment will fail, the sword will fail, it is only the spiritual nature of man that can be triumphant.It seems altogether probable that we can contribute most to these important objects by maintaining our position of political detachment and independence.We are not identified with any Old World interests.This position should be made more and more clear in our relations with all foreign countries.We are at peace with all of them.Our program is never to oppress, but always to assist.But while we do justice to others, we must require that justice be done to us.With us a treaty of peace means peace, and a treaty of amity means amity.We have made great contributions to the settlement of contentious differences in both Europe and Asia.But there is a very definite point beyond which we can not go.We can only help those who help themselves.Mindful of these limitations, the one great duty that stands out requires us to use our enormous powers to trim the balance of the world.While we can look with a great deal of pleasure upon what we have done abroad, we must remember that our continued success in that direction depends upon what we do at home.Since its very outset, it has been found necessary to conduct our Government by means of political parties.That system would not have survived from generation to generation if it had not been fundamentally sound and provided the best instrumentalities for the most complete expression of the popular will.It is not necessary to claim that it has always worked perfectly.It is enough to know that nothing better has been devised.No one would deny that there should be full and free expression and an opportunity for independence of action within the party.There is no salvation in a narrow and bigoted partisanship.But if there is to be responsible party government, the party label must be something more than a mere device for securing office.Unless those who are elected under the same party designation are willing to assume sufficient responsibility and exhibit sufficient loyalty and coherence, so that they can cooperate with each other in the support of the broad general principles, of the party platform, the election is merely a mockery, no decision is made at the polls, and there is no representation of the popular will.Common honesty and good faith with the people who support a party at the polls require that party, when it enters office, to assume the control of that portion of the Government to which it has been elected.Any other course is bad faith and a violation of the party pledges.When the country has bestowed its confidence upon a party by making it a majority in the Congress, it has a right to expect such unity of action as will make the party majority an effective instrument of government.This Administration has come into power with a very clear and definite mandate from the people.The expression of the popular will in favor of maintaining our constitutional guarantees was overwhelming and decisive.There was a manifestation of such faith in the integrity of the courts that we can consider that issue rejected for some time to come.Likewise, the policy of public ownership of railroads and certain electric utilities met with unmistakable defeat.The people declared that they wanted their rights to have not a political but a judicial determination, and their independence and freedom continued and supported by having the ownership and control of their property, not in the Government, but in their own hands.As they always do when they have a fair chance, the people demonstrated that they are sound and are determined to have a sound government.When we turn from what was rejected to inquire what was accepted, the policy that stands out with the greatest clearness is that of economy in public expenditure with reduction and reform of taxation.The principle involved in this effort is that of conservation.The resources of this country are almost beyond computation.No mind can comprehend them.But the cost of our combined governments is likewise almost beyond definition.Not only those who are now making their tax returns, but those who meet the enhanced cost of existence in their monthly bills, know by hard experience what this great burden is and what it does.No matter what others may want, these people want a drastic economy.They are opposed to waste.They know that extravagance lengthens the hours and diminishes the rewards of their labor.I favor the policy of economy, not because I wish to save money, but because I wish to save people.The men and women of this country who toil are the ones who bear the cost of the Government.Every dollar that we carelessly waste means that their life will be so much the more meager.Every dollar that we prudently save means that their life will be so much the more abundant.Economy is idealism in its most practical form.If extravagance were not reflected in taxation, and through taxation both directly and indirectly injuriously affecting the people, it would not be of so much consequence.The wisest and soundest method of solving our tax problem is through economy.Fortunately, of all the great nations this country is best in a position to adopt that simple remedy.We do not any longer need wartime revenues.The collection of any taxes which are not absolutely required, which do not beyond reasonable doubt contribute to the public welfare, is only a species of legalized larceny.Under this republic the rewards of industry belong to those who earn them.The only constitutional tax is the tax which ministers to public necessity.The property of the country belongs to the people of the country.Their title is absolute.They do not support any privileged class;they do not need to maintain great military forces;they ought not to be burdened with a great array of public employees.They are not required to make any contribution to Government expenditures except that which they voluntarily assess upon themselves through the action of their own representatives.Whenever taxes become burdensome a remedy can be applied by the people;but if they do not act for themselves, no one can be very successful in acting for them.The time is arriving when we can have further tax reduction, when, unless we wish to hamper the people in their right to earn a living, we must have tax reform.The method of raising revenue ought not to impede the transaction of business;it ought to encourage it.I am opposed to extremely high rates, because they produce little or no revenue, because they are bad for the country, and, finally, because they are wrong.We can not finance the country, we can not improve social conditions, through any system of injustice, even if we attempt to inflict it upon the rich.Those who suffer the most harm will be the poor.This country believes in prosperity.It is absurd to suppose that it is envious of those who are already prosperous.The wise and correct course to follow in taxation and all other economic legislation is not to destroy those who have already secured success but to create conditions under which every one will have a better chance to be successful.The verdict of the country has been given on this question.That verdict stands.We shall do well to heed it.These questions involve moral issues.We need not concern ourselves much about the rights of property if we will faithfully observe the rights of persons.Under our institutions their rights are supreme.It is not property but the right to hold property, both great and small, which our Constitution guarantees.All owners of property are charged with a service.These rights and duties have been revealed, through the conscience of society, to have a divine sanction.The very stability of our society rests upon production and conservation.For individuals or for governments to waste and squander their resources is to deny these rights and disregard these obligations.The result of economic dissipation to a nation is always moral decay.These policies of better international understandings, greater economy, and lower taxes have contributed largely to peaceful and prosperous industrial relations.Under the helpful influences of restrictive immigration and a protective tariff, employment is plentiful, the rate of pay is high, and wage earners are in a state of contentment seldom before seen.Our transportation systems have been gradually recovering and have been able to meet all the requirements of the service.Agriculture has been very slow in reviving, but the price of cereals at last indicates that the day of its deliverance is at hand.We are not without our problems, but our most important problem is not to secure new advantages but to maintain those which we already possess.Our system of government made up of three separate and independent departments, our divided sovereignty composed of Nation and State, the matchless wisdom that is enshrined in our Constitution, all these need constant effort and tireless vigilance for their protection and support.In a republic the first rule for the guidance of the citizen is obedience to law.Under a despotism the law may be imposed upon the subject.He has no voice in its making, no influence in its administration, it does not represent him.Under a free government the citizen makes his own laws, chooses his own administrators, which do represent him.Those who want their rights respected under the Constitution and the law ought to set the example themselves of observing the Constitution and the law.While there may be those of high intelligence who violate the law at times, the barbarian and the defective always violate it.Those who disregard the rules of society are not exhibiting a superior intelligence, are not promoting freedom and independence, are not following the path of civilization, but are displaying the traits of ignorance, of servitude, of savagery, and treading the way that leads back to the jungle.The essence of a republic is representative government.Our Congress represents the people and the States.In all legislative affairs it is the natural collaborator with the President.In spite of all the criticism which often falls to its lot, I do not hesitate to say that there is no more independent and effective legislative body in the world.It is, and should be, jealous of its prerogative.I welcome its cooperation, and expect to share with it not only the responsibility, but the credit, for our common effort to secure beneficial legislation.These are some of the principles which America represents.We have not by any means put them fully into practice, but we have strongly signified our belief in them.The encouraging feature of our country is not that it has reached its destination, but that it has overwhelmingly expressed its determination to proceed in the right direction.It is true that we could, with profit, be less sectional and more national in our thought.It would be well if we could replace much that is only a false and ignorant prejudice with a true and enlightened pride of race.But the last election showed that appeals to class and nationality had little effect.We were all found loyal to a common citizenship.The fundamental precept of liberty is toleration.We can not permit any inquisition either within or without the law or apply any religious test to the holding of office.The mind of America must be forever free.It is in such contemplations, my fellow countrymen, which are not exhaustive but only representative, that I find ample warrant for satisfaction and encouragement.We should not let the much that is to do obscure the much which has been done.The past and present show faith and hope and courage fully justified.Here stands our country, an example of tranquillity at home, a patron of tranquillity abroad.Here stands its Government, aware of its might but obedient to its conscience.Here it will continue to stand, seeking peace and prosperity, solicitous for the welfare of the wage earner, promoting enterprise, developing waterways and natural resources, attentive to the intuitive counsel of womanhood, encouraging education, desiring the advancement of religion, supporting the cause of justice and honor among the nations.America seeks no earthly empire built on blood and force.No ambition, no temptation, lures her to thought of foreign dominions.The legions which she sends forth are armed, not with the sword, but with the cross.The higher state to which she seeks the allegiance of all mankind is not of human, but of divine origin.She cherishes no purpose save to merit the favor of Almighty God.