亚伯拉罕林肯演讲稿

2024-04-29

亚伯拉罕林肯演讲稿（通用6篇）

篇1：亚伯拉罕林肯演讲稿

亚伯拉罕.林肯在葛底斯堡的演说

Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to theproposition that all men are created equal.Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation soconceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us;that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion;that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth."

87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。

但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。亚伯拉罕.林肯

篇2：亚伯拉罕林肯演讲稿

（1865年3月14日）

同胞们：

在这第二次宣誓就任总统时，我不必像第一次那样发表长篇演说。对于将要执行的方针稍作详尽的说明似乎是恰当而适宜的。现在，4年任期已满，对于这场仍然吸引着全国关注并占用了全国力量的重大斗争的每一重要关头和方面，这4年间已不断地发布公告，因此我没有什么新情况可以奉告。我们军队的进展是其他一切的主要依靠，公众和我一样都清楚地了解军队的情况，我深信，大家对此都是感到满意和鼓舞的。我们对未来抱有极大的希望，但却不敢作出任何预测。

4年前我就任总统时，同胞们的思想都焦急地集中在日益迫近的内战上。大家都害怕内战，都想避免内战。当我在这个地方就职演说，竭尽全力想不经过战争来拯救联邦时，叛乱分子却在这个城市里图谋不经过战争来毁灭联邦——企图以谈判方式解放邦并分割财产。双方都表示反对战争，但一方宁愿发动战争也不愿让国家生存，而一方则宁可接受战争也不肯让国家灭亡，于是战争就爆发了。

我国全部人口的八分之一是黑人奴隶，他们并不是遍布于联邦各地，而是集中在联邦南部。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊的、重大的利益。大家都知道，这种利益由于某种原因竟成了这次战争的根源。叛乱者的目的是加强，永保和扩大这种利益，为此他们不惜用战争来分裂联邦，而政府却只是宣布有权限制这种利益的地区和扩大。双方都没有料到战争竟会达到如此规模，历时如此长久。双方也没有预期冲突的根源会随着冲突本身而消除，甚至会提前消除。各方都期望赢得轻松些，期望结局不至于那么涉及根本，那么惊人。双方同读一本《圣经》，向同一个上帝祈祷，而且都乞求上帝的帮助来与对方为敌。看来十分奇怪，居然有人敢要求公正的上帝帮助他们从黑人脸上的汗水中榨取面包，但是我们且勿评论别人，以免被人评论。双方的祷告不可能都应验。也没有一方的祷告全部得到应验。全能的上帝有他自己的意旨。“这世界有祸了，因为将绊倒，绊倒人的事是免不了的，但那绊倒人的有祸了。”如果我们设想美国的奴隶制按照天意必然来到的罪恶之一，并且在上帝规定的时间内继续存在，而现在上帝要予以铲除，于是他就把这场可怕的战争作为犯罪者应受的灾难降临南北双方，那么，我们能看出其中有任何违背天意之处吗？相信上帝永存的人总是把天意归于上帝的。我们深情地期望，虔诚的祷告，这场巨大的战争灾祸能够很快地过去，但是如果上帝要它继续下去，直至奴隶们250年来无偿劳动所积聚的财富全部毁灭，或如人们在三千年前说过的，直至鞭子下流出的每一滴血都要用剑下流出的每一滴血来偿还，那么今天我们还得说：“主的审判是完全正确和公正的。”

对任何人不怀恶意，对一切人心存宽厚，坚持正义，因为上帝使我们看到了正义，让我们继续努力完成正在从事的事业，包扎好国家的创伤，关心那些肩负战争重任的人，照顾他们的遗孀孤儿，去做能在我们自己中间和与一切国家之间缔造并保持公正持久和平的一切事情。赏析

篇3：亚伯拉罕林肯演讲稿

你知道不知道这样一个故事:

亚里山德拉大图书馆被烧之后, 只有一本书被保存了下来, 但并不是一本很有价值的书, 于是一个识得几个字的穷人用几个铜板买下了这本书。这本书的内容并不怎么有趣, 但里面却有一个非常有趣的东西———窄窄的一条羊皮纸上面写着“点金石”的秘密。

点金石是一块小小的石子, 它能将任何一种普通金属变成纯金。羊皮纸上的文字解释说, 点金石就在黑海的海滩上, 和成千上万与它看起来一模一样的小石子混在一起, 但真正的点金石摸上去很温暖, 而普通的石子摸上去是冰凉的。然后这个人变卖了他为数不多的财产, 买了一些简单的装备, 在黑海边扎起帐篷, 开始翻检那些石子。

他知道, 如果他捡起一块摸上去冰凉的普通石子就将其扔在地上, 他就有可能几百次捡拾起同一块石子, 所以当他摸着冰凉的石子的时候, 就将它扔进大海里。他这样干了一整天, 却没有捡到一块点金石。然后他又这样干了一个星期、一个月、一年、三年, 但是他还是没有找到点金石。但他仍继续这样干下去:捡起一块石子, 是凉的, 将它扔进海里;又捡起另一块, 若还是凉的, 再把它扔进海里……

但是有一天他捡起了一块石子, 这块石子是温暖的, 但他仍把它随手扔进了海里。因为他已经形成了一种习惯, 把他捡到的所有石子都扔进海里。他已经如此习惯于做扔石子的动作, 以至于当他真正捡到点金石时, 他也还是将其扔进了海里!

这个故事告诉我们一个浅显的道理, 习惯有时会成为获取成功的障碍, 让人们扔掉握在手里的机会———坏的习惯尤其如此。

如果人们能够在那个人的大脑和神经系统中看到他的习惯发展轨迹, 就会发现一条弯弯曲曲的小径, 一开始出现了, 它带来了一些看似无关紧要的不良行为。正是这些行为直接导致那个人的结果。一切专业教育和技术教育都基于这样的理论:如果神经系统对习惯的刺激变得越来越敏感, 也就能越来越快地做出反应。

人们总是容易忽略习惯形成的生理基础。对一个行为的每一次重复, 都会增加人们再次实施它的机率。人们还发现自己的体内有一种神奇的机制, 那就是倾向于不断地重复甚至是永久性的重复, 而且这种倾向的灵活机敏性也随着重复次数的增加而不断地提高。最终的结果是, 开始的行为, 由于自然的条件反射, 成了自动的行为, 不再受大脑的控制。

通常, 人们不懂得告诉那些性格扭曲的人:严峻的斗争仍然摆在他们面前, 考验还远远没有结束, 必须进行长期的、艰苦卓绝的战斗, 以无比虔诚的心态和无比坚定的意志力来控制自己的行为, 同过去的坏习惯决裂, 才能为以后形成更好的习惯奠定坚实的基础。没有人告诉他们, 无论他们付出多大的努力, 在某些松懈的时候, 一些陈旧的开关仍然可能会被不小心地打开, 沉淀在心中的欲望仍然会决堤而出, 而且很可能在他意识到这一问题之前, 自己已经再一次屈服于旧习惯的诱惑了, 尽管他已经下了千百次的决心要克服和抵制这种诱惑。

有人认为坏习惯可以轻而易举地克服, 就姑息它, 日久天长, 坏习惯像锁链一样缠住了他, 只有靠坚定的意志、反复做出正确的行为、经过一个艰苦的过程才能加以纠正。

坏习惯就像一棵长弯的小树, 人们不可能一下子把它弄直。要想纠正它, 人们可以搬来两块大石头, 夹住它, 用绳子捆紧。它不是一朝一夕能纠正的, 这需要几个月, 甚至几年。

“怎样才能改变一个习惯?”

唯一的答案是:当初怎么养成这个习惯, 现在就怎么来克服它。

倘若以前是一步步堕入了恶习, 现在就一步步走出泥淖。

倘若以前是屈服于诱惑, 现在就坚定地拒绝它。

儿子, 凡是渴望成功的人, 都应该对自己平时的习惯做深刻的检讨, 把那些妨碍成功的恶习 ———如举止慌乱、急躁不安、萎靡不振、言语尖刻、不守时、马马虎虎等永远摒弃, 你要勇于承认自己身上的不良习惯, 不要找借口搪塞。把它们记下来, 对照它们引起的错误, 想想今后应该怎么做。若能持之以恒地纠正它们, 就一定会有巨大的收获———改正了过去的不良习惯。

爸爸相信你一定能做得很好!

思念你的父亲

篇4：《林肯》：亚伯拉罕护宪记

《林肯》仅仅把视角对准了亚伯拉罕·林肯生命中的最后两年，集中叙述了林肯力推美国宪法第十三修正案通过的故事。

宪法奠定了美国的立国基石，短短7条法规，构成了200多年的美利坚立国之本。美国人很重视宪法的稳定性，不会轻易修改，只是通过宪法修正案的方式，对宪法原始条款进行解释和补充。在《林肯》一片中，林肯念兹在兹的大事，就是力推宪法第十三修正案的通过——其内容正是废除奴隶制，林肯通过提出宪法修正案的方式来维护宪法的尊严，“修宪”是为了“护宪”。

南北战争中，林肯曾签署了《解放黑奴宣言》，不过这份文书并未经过正常的法律流程认定。林肯自己也认为，总统并不具有宪法授予的解放黑奴的权力，《解放黑奴宣言》只是自己作为军队总司令颁布的一项战时命令，因而在战后很有可能因违宪而失效。所以，林肯在战争接近尾声时要着力推进废除奴隶制的条款作为宪法修正案被国会通过。

导演斯皮尔伯格把主要的政治战场放在了众议院，带有传奇色彩的激进废奴主义者、众议员撒迪厄斯‘斯蒂文斯成了影片的二号人物，他的激进态度甚至让林肯不得不以退为进，但斯蒂文斯最终还是跟林肯形成了有效的呼应，从而让共和党牢牢掌控着这场政治战役的关键节点。

作为“再造共和”的美国总统，林肯也充分显示了他坚定的一面，一旦认准战略目标，便会齐集全部力量将其实现——作为新生的共和党的第一位总统，林肯开始指挥一场“贿选”战役，不惜封官许爵，从政治对手民主党议员那里搜罗选票，以利修正案的通过。其间，林肯充分发挥了他的政治谈判和妥协艺术，没有简单划分敌对阵营，既维护了联邦的统一，也想方设法避免北方阵营的内部分裂，用“干脏活”的态度赢得了足够多数的民主党选票。影片的基调始终阴冷而缓慢，也正符合那场政治斗争的调性。

除去政治斗争，斯皮尔伯格还见缝插针地刻画了林肯的家庭生活，他与“悍妻”和爱子之间的关系，以及他与几位主要助手之间的工作交往，都被影帝刘易斯举重若轻地展现在了大银幕上。值得一提的是，2012年除了《林肯》，好莱坞还贡献了《吸血鬼猎人林肯》和《林肯大战僵尸》两部电影，看来随着奥巴马再度当选总统，林肯这位解放黑人的伟大政治前辈在大众文化里也空前火热起来。当然，后面两部都只能算B级片，不能跟“登堂入室”的《林肯》相提并论。

篇5：亚伯拉罕林肯的葛底斯堡的演讲

Speech：

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President “before he enters on the execution of this office.”

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:

I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever causeto this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause “shall be delivered up” their oaths are unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that “the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States”?

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.Top

I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate itbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was “to form a more perfect Union.”

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union;that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts;but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.Top

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny;but if there be such, I need address no word to them.To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?