美国总统林肯介绍（精选6篇）
篇1：美国总统林肯介绍
we know nothing of what will happen in future , but by the analogy of past experience. (abraham lincoln , american president)
除了凭着对过去的经验加以类推之外，我们对今后的事一无所知。(美国总统 林肯 . a .)
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超酷的美国俚语
西班牙裔美国哲学家、桑塔亚那名言
赞美国庆节的名言
美国谚语
美国吉诺·鲍洛奇
美国
篇2：美国总统林肯介绍
林肯出身于一个鞋匠家庭,没有任何贵族血统,而当时的美国社会是非常看重门第的。竞选总统前夕,一个参议员为了让林肯退出竞选,故意羞辱他:“林肯先生,在你开始演讲之前,我希望你记住,你是一个鞋匠的儿子。”
面对他人的羞辱,林肯没有恼羞成怒、愤然失态,而是自豪而又谦卑地解释说:“我非常感谢你使我想起我的父亲,他已经去世了。但我一定会记住你的忠告,我知道我做总统无法做得像我父亲做鞋匠那么好。据我所知,我父亲以前也为你的家人做过鞋子,如果你的鞋子不合脚,我可以帮你修改。虽然我不是鞋匠,但我跟父亲学到了做鞋子的技术。”
接着,林肯又对所有的议员说:“对参议院的任何人都一样,如果你们穿的那双鞋是我父亲做的,而它们需要修理或改善,我一定尽可能帮忙。但是,有一件事是肯定的,我无法比我父亲修得好,他的手艺是无人能及的。”说到这里,林肯流下了热泪。面对林肯的真诚,顿时,所有的嘲笑都化为热烈的掌声。
林肯的相貌并不出众,相反,有些丑陋,这也成为竞选对手攻击他的托词。他跟史蒂芬生·道格拉斯一起竞选总统,在进行辩论时,道格拉斯指责林肯是个两面派,有两张面孔。林肯听了之后,不慌不忙地回答说:“如果我有两张面孔,我还会情愿戴这一副吗?”他的勇于自嘲,立刻赢得了台下不约而同的叫好声。
道格拉斯竞选失败后一直心怀不满,总想找机会当众羞辱林肯。有一天,道格拉斯见到林肯,便挖苦他说:“林肯先生,我初次认识你的时候,你是一家杂货店的老板,站在一大堆杂物中卖雪茄和威士忌。真是个难得的酒店招待呀。”然而,林肯并没有觉得难堪,而是不以为然地说道:“先生们,道格拉斯说得一点儿也不错,我确实开过一家杂货店,卖些棉花、蜡烛、雪茄什么的,当然也卖威士忌。我记得那时候道格拉斯是我最好的顾客了。多少次他站在柜台的那一头,我站在柜台的这一头,卖给他威士忌。”然后,林肯话锋一转,微笑着说:“不过,现在不同的是,我早已从柜台的这一头离开了,可是道格拉斯先生依然顽强地坚守在那一头,不肯离去。”林肯这么一说,周围的人都哈哈大笑起来,称赞林肯回答得很风趣很巧妙。
林肯在入主白宫之前,生活颠沛困顿,又加上其貌不扬,不修边幅,因此,在他初到白宫任职时,内阁中的阔佬没有一个瞧得起他。陆军部长斯坦东曾公开宣称:“我不愿意与那个笨蛋、老憨、长臂猴为伍。”林肯听后,大度地说:“我决心牺牲一部分自尊,要派斯坦东任陆军部长,因为他绝对忠于国家。”
斯坦东任职后仍不停地对林肯进行谩骂,甚至拒不执行林肯的指示。有一次,有位议员带着林肯的手令去找斯坦东,斯坦东竟公开抗命,并拍案大叫:“假如总统给你这样的命令,那么他就是一个浑人。”那位议员满以为林肯会因此而将斯坦东撤职,可是,林肯听了汇报后却说:“假如斯坦东认为我是一个浑人,那么我一定是了,因为他几乎一切都是对的。”林肯为了顾全大局,能够容才之短、用才之长的博雅气度让斯坦东极为感动。事后,斯坦东马上到林肯跟前表达了诚挚的歉意。
海纳百川,有容乃大。荷兰哲学家斯宾诺沙说:“人心不靠武力征服,而是靠爱和宽容大度去征服。”林肯以宽容大度之心化敌为友,既消除矛盾隔阂,赢得了对手的尊重,又形成了合力,成就了事业。
篇3：美国总统林肯介绍
你知道不知道这样一个故事:
亚里山德拉大图书馆被烧之后, 只有一本书被保存了下来, 但并不是一本很有价值的书, 于是一个识得几个字的穷人用几个铜板买下了这本书。这本书的内容并不怎么有趣, 但里面却有一个非常有趣的东西———窄窄的一条羊皮纸上面写着“点金石”的秘密。
点金石是一块小小的石子, 它能将任何一种普通金属变成纯金。羊皮纸上的文字解释说, 点金石就在黑海的海滩上, 和成千上万与它看起来一模一样的小石子混在一起, 但真正的点金石摸上去很温暖, 而普通的石子摸上去是冰凉的。然后这个人变卖了他为数不多的财产, 买了一些简单的装备, 在黑海边扎起帐篷, 开始翻检那些石子。
他知道, 如果他捡起一块摸上去冰凉的普通石子就将其扔在地上, 他就有可能几百次捡拾起同一块石子, 所以当他摸着冰凉的石子的时候, 就将它扔进大海里。他这样干了一整天, 却没有捡到一块点金石。然后他又这样干了一个星期、一个月、一年、三年, 但是他还是没有找到点金石。但他仍继续这样干下去:捡起一块石子, 是凉的, 将它扔进海里;又捡起另一块, 若还是凉的, 再把它扔进海里……
但是有一天他捡起了一块石子, 这块石子是温暖的, 但他仍把它随手扔进了海里。因为他已经形成了一种习惯, 把他捡到的所有石子都扔进海里。他已经如此习惯于做扔石子的动作, 以至于当他真正捡到点金石时, 他也还是将其扔进了海里!
这个故事告诉我们一个浅显的道理, 习惯有时会成为获取成功的障碍, 让人们扔掉握在手里的机会———坏的习惯尤其如此。
如果人们能够在那个人的大脑和神经系统中看到他的习惯发展轨迹, 就会发现一条弯弯曲曲的小径, 一开始出现了, 它带来了一些看似无关紧要的不良行为。正是这些行为直接导致那个人的结果。一切专业教育和技术教育都基于这样的理论:如果神经系统对习惯的刺激变得越来越敏感, 也就能越来越快地做出反应。
人们总是容易忽略习惯形成的生理基础。对一个行为的每一次重复, 都会增加人们再次实施它的机率。人们还发现自己的体内有一种神奇的机制, 那就是倾向于不断地重复甚至是永久性的重复, 而且这种倾向的灵活机敏性也随着重复次数的增加而不断地提高。最终的结果是, 开始的行为, 由于自然的条件反射, 成了自动的行为, 不再受大脑的控制。
通常, 人们不懂得告诉那些性格扭曲的人:严峻的斗争仍然摆在他们面前, 考验还远远没有结束, 必须进行长期的、艰苦卓绝的战斗, 以无比虔诚的心态和无比坚定的意志力来控制自己的行为, 同过去的坏习惯决裂, 才能为以后形成更好的习惯奠定坚实的基础。没有人告诉他们, 无论他们付出多大的努力, 在某些松懈的时候, 一些陈旧的开关仍然可能会被不小心地打开, 沉淀在心中的欲望仍然会决堤而出, 而且很可能在他意识到这一问题之前, 自己已经再一次屈服于旧习惯的诱惑了, 尽管他已经下了千百次的决心要克服和抵制这种诱惑。
有人认为坏习惯可以轻而易举地克服, 就姑息它, 日久天长, 坏习惯像锁链一样缠住了他, 只有靠坚定的意志、反复做出正确的行为、经过一个艰苦的过程才能加以纠正。
坏习惯就像一棵长弯的小树, 人们不可能一下子把它弄直。要想纠正它, 人们可以搬来两块大石头, 夹住它, 用绳子捆紧。它不是一朝一夕能纠正的, 这需要几个月, 甚至几年。
“怎样才能改变一个习惯?”
唯一的答案是:当初怎么养成这个习惯, 现在就怎么来克服它。
倘若以前是一步步堕入了恶习, 现在就一步步走出泥淖。
倘若以前是屈服于诱惑, 现在就坚定地拒绝它。
儿子, 凡是渴望成功的人, 都应该对自己平时的习惯做深刻的检讨, 把那些妨碍成功的恶习 ———如举止慌乱、急躁不安、萎靡不振、言语尖刻、不守时、马马虎虎等永远摒弃, 你要勇于承认自己身上的不良习惯, 不要找借口搪塞。把它们记下来, 对照它们引起的错误, 想想今后应该怎么做。若能持之以恒地纠正它们, 就一定会有巨大的收获———改正了过去的不良习惯。
爸爸相信你一定能做得很好!
思念你的父亲
篇4：美国总统林肯的言谈招法
林肯的一生是在接踵不断的磨难中度过的。挫折是他生活的主旋律，抑郁是他个人的大敌。但林肯还是挺了过来，直到最后一刻!
不光如此，林肯喜欢笑，因为笑是他缓解压力的药方，笑可使他从无尽的烦恼中获得片刻的休息。更重要的是，笑可以升华林肯的情绪，使他及周围的人从“苦恼人的笑”中获取智慧的提示。
一次，林肯与竞选对手道格拉斯进行辩论。道格拉斯在辩论中指控林肯说一套做一套，是一个地地道道的两面派。待林肯上来讲话，他首先说“道格拉斯说我有两张脸，大家说说看，如果我有另一张脸的话，我能带着这张脸来见大家吗?”他的话逗得哄堂大笑，连道格拉斯本人也跟着笑了起来。
林肯初任总统时，曾有’个议员取笑林肯的父亲是个鞋匠，林肯回应说：“不错，我父亲是个鞋匠，但我希望我治国能像我父亲做鞋那样地娴熟高超。”他的话立即博得人们的一片喝彩。
一天，林肯和他的大儿子罗伯特乘马车上街，街口被路过的军队堵塞了，林肯开门踏出一只脚问一位路人：“请问这是什么?”林肯的意思是这是哪个部队，那路人以为他不认识军队，便答道“联邦的军队呀，你真他妈的是个大笨蚩。”林肯说了声“谢谢”，关上车门，然后严肃地对儿子说：“有人在你面前说老实话，这是一种幸福。”紧接着那路人又说：“我的确是个他妈的大笨蛋!”
还有一天，林肯与国务卿威廉姆·西华德、秘书约翰·海前往新任联邦军波托马克军团司令的麦克累伦将军的寓所拜访(他是美国内战爆发后林肯任命的第一位军团司令)。仆人告诉林肯将军外出参加婚礼未归，大约等了一个小时，麦克累伦将军回来，却不睬林肯等人径直上了楼。又等了约半小时，仆人再次前去禀报，得到的却是一句冷冰冰的回话：“将军已经上床睡觉了。”
住回家的路上，西华德和海都对麦克累伦的傲慢行为感到愤慨无比，林肯却不以为然。他反而劝慰俩人不要计较细节，末了还一脸认真地说：“只要麦克累伦能为我们赢得胜利，我情愿为他牵马。”
麦克累伦后来被证明是一个胆小如鼠的将领，林肯不得不撤换他。倒霉的是，林肯后来换上的几个将领也都不足胜任，直到最后换上了格兰特将军，才在前线捷报频传。可没多久，有人向林肯投诉格兰特将军在前线时常喝酒，对此林肯笑笑说：“我真想知道格兰特喝的哪一种酒，这样我就可以给前线的每一个将领送一瓶去。”
林肯喜欢讲笑话，每当他讲笑话时，他的脸会放光，他的眼睛会发亮，他的声音会颤抖，有时他还会手舞足蹈地先大笑起来。可笑过之后，林肯的情绪时常会立刻低落下来，一脸忧伤地望着众人。这，就是林肯的幽默性格。
心理学大师弗洛伊德认为：笑话给予我们快感，是通过把一个充满能量和紧张度的有意识过程转化为一个轻松的无意识过程。
篇5：美国总统林肯的演讲稿
Inaugural Speech by Abraham Lincoln March 4th 1861
Speech：
In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President “before he enters on the execution of this office.”
I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:
I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever causeto this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause “shall be delivered up” their oaths are unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that “the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States”?
I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.Top
I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate itbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was “to form a more perfect Union.”
But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union;that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts;but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.Top
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny;but if there be such, I need address no word to them.To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?
篇6：美国总统林肯的小故事
林肯当过律师。有一次出庭，对方律师把一个简单的论据翻来覆去地陈述了两个多小时，讲得听众都不耐烦了。
好不容易才轮到林肯上台替被告辩护，他走上讲台，先把外衣脱下放在桌上，然后拿起玻璃杯喝了两口水，接着重新穿上外衣，然后再脱下外衣放在桌上，又再喝水，再穿衣，这样反反复复了五六次，法庭上的听众笑得前俯后仰。林肯一言不发，在笑声过后才开始他的辩护演说。