奥巴马演讲英文范文

2022-06-06

演讲稿是通过语言表达的方式，在语言的感染力、表现力下，让更多的人理解演讲内容。在当前的生活与学习中，演讲成为常见的活动形式，你知道如何写出一份吸引人的演讲稿吗？今天小编给大家找来了《奥巴马演讲英文范文》，仅供参考，希望能够帮助到大家。

第一篇：奥巴马演讲英文范文

奥巴马卸任演讲(中英文全文)

以下是奥巴马的告别演说全文：

你好，芝加哥!回家的感觉真好!谢谢，谢谢大家!(省略N个谢谢)

在过去几个星期里，我和Michelle收到了各种美好的祝愿，我们非常感动，感谢大家对我的支持。今晚我仍然要向你们表达我的感谢，是你们，身处各地，各个场所的每一位美国人让我保持真诚，是你们给了我灵感，并一直激励着我前进。我每天都在向你们学习，是你们让我成为一个更好的总统，成为一个更优秀的人。

我第一次来到芝加哥还是20岁出头的时候，当时我还处在找寻自我的阶段，还在为自己的生活寻找方向。就在离这不远的一个社区，我开始参与教会团体工作。在这些街区，我看到了信仰的力量，看到了劳动人民面对困境和失意时那种安静的尊严。就是在这里，我了解到只有普通民众都参与进来，变革才会发生，只有我们的力量联合起来，社会才会进步。

现在八年时间过去了，我仍然坚信这一点。我相信，这不只是我自己的一个信念，也是我们整个美国思想的核心所在——对自治进行大胆地尝试。

我们的信念一直是，生来平等，造物者赋予我们一些不可剥夺的权利，其中包括生命、自由以及对幸福的追求。这些权利，虽然人人都有，但并不能自动实现。我们，每一个公民，必须通过民主的工具，来创建一个更加完美的国家。

这是造物者赐予我们的礼物，我们拥有用汗水、辛劳和想象力去追逐我们的个人梦想和自由，同时也承担有团结一致，实现更高目标的义务。我们的国家并不是一开始就是完美的，但是我们已经展示出了改变的能力，并为每一位追随者提供更好的生活。

是的，我们的进步并不均衡，民主工作也一直很艰难，同时存在一定的争议，并且有时是血腥的。每向前迈两步，给人的感觉往往是还要往后退一步。但是美国在漫长的发展过程中，我们一直锐意进取，不断拓宽我们的信条，去拥抱所有，而不仅仅是其中一部分。

如果八年前，我告诉你们，美国将扭转大衰退，重振汽车行业，并创造出历史以来最多的就业机会;如果当时我告诉你们，我们将与古巴人民开启一个新的篇章，停止伊朗核武器计划并揪出9/11事件的幕后主使;如果当时我告诉你们，我们将实现婚姻平等，为另外2000万的同胞赢得健康保险的权利;如果当时我告诉你们这些，你们可能会说我的目标定得有点高。但是现在这就是我们所做到的，这就是你们所做到的。是你们促成了这些变化，你们让希望成真，也正是因为你们，现在的美国比我上任时变得更好、更强。

十天之内，世界将会见证我们民主的一个标志：通过自由选举，将总统的权利和平地移交给下一位总统。我向当选总统特朗普承诺，我会为他提供最平稳的过渡，就像布什总统之前为我做的一样。因为我们所有人都需要确保政府可以帮助我们应对目前面临的诸多挑战。

我们需要去应对这些挑战，因为我们仍然是地球上最富有、最强大也最受尊重的国家，我们的青年和发展动力，我们的多样性和开放程度，我们应对风险和进行革新的能力，都在向我们表明未来应该是属于我们的。

但是，只有我们保持民主这些潜力才会发挥出来。只有当我们的政治反映出人民的正直，只有我们所有人，不论党派关系或特殊利益，都有助于推动我们实现共同目的的渴望时，这些潜力才会发挥出来。

民主不需要同一性，我们的领袖会争吵，会妥协，但他们知道民主需要一种基本的团结意识，虽然我们存在各种差异，但我们仍要团结一致，共同进退。

历史上总会有一些时刻会威胁到这种团结，本世纪便是这样的时刻：世界不断变小，不平等持续扩大，人口变化以及恐怖主义蔓延，这些因素不只是对我们国家安全和经济繁荣的考验，也是对我们民主的考验。我们如何来应对这些挑战，将决定我们是否有能力教育好我们的孩子，创造优质的工作，并保护我们的家园。换言之，它将决定我们的未来。

在过去五十年以来，现在的医疗保健成本正在以最慢的速度上升。如果任何人能够制定一个明显优于目前医疗保健系统的改进计划，并尽可能覆盖更多的人，那我一定会公开表示支持。

我当选后，出现了一种说法是美国进入后种族时代(种族歧视已经不存在)，这只是一个愿景，并不是现实。因为种族问题在我们的社会中仍然是一种强有力的分裂力量。虽然这一问题得到了某种程度的改善，但我们每一个人都需要做出更多的努力。毕竟，如果每一个经济问题都被看作是勤劳的白人中产阶级和不受欢迎的少数民族之间的矛盾，那所有种族的工人只能是争夺蝇头小利，而富人坐收渔翁之利。

这一切都不容易。对于我们中的太多人来说，退回到我们自己的温床里最安全，无论是我们的社区或大学校园或礼拜场所或我们的社交媒体中，和那些与我们相似，有着同样的政治背景，从不质疑我们的假设的人相处最舒适。赤裸裸的党派之争、日益增加的经济和区域分层、媒体的分裂都成为政党宣传的工具——所有这一切使得这种区分似乎变得自然，甚至是不可避免的。我们变得躲在自己的泡沫里，只接受符合我们意见的信息，而不是基于现有证据形成自己的观点。

这不是总是使政治如此沮丧的那部分吗?当我们建议将财务经费投入到孩子们的学龄前教育时，选举官员对赤字感到如此愤怒，但是当为公司削减税收时，为什么不感到愤怒?其它党派做出道德沦丧的事情时，我们紧紧抓住不放，但为什么当我们自己的党派做出相同的事情时，我们却选择原谅?这不仅是不诚实，而是对事实进行选择;这会自取其咎，因为我的妈妈曾经告诉我，―事实总有一天会暴露在你面前。‖

在短短8年时间里，我们减少了对外国石油的依赖，使我们的可再生能源增加了一倍，并带领世界达成了一项拯救地球的协议。如果不果断行动，我们的孩子将不会再有时间来辩论气候变化的存在;因为，他们将忙于应对其影响：环境灾难、经济破坏和寻求庇护的气候难民潮。

假装问题不存在不仅背叛了后代，它暴露了这个国家的本质精神。

由于我们的官员、执法人员和外交官的非凡勇气，无论男性还是女性，在过去八年中，没有外国恐怖组织成功实施对我们的家园的袭击，虽然波士顿和奥兰多提醒我们激进组织的危险性，单我们的执法机构比以往更加具有有效性和警惕性。我们已经制服了数万名恐怖分子——包括乌萨马·本·拉登。

我们领导的全球联盟已经牵制了伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国领导人，占领了大约一半的领土。伊黎伊斯兰国将被摧毁，任何威胁美国的人都将被制服。

这就是为什么，在过去八年中，我一直致力于在一个更坚定的法律基础上努力打击恐怖主义，这就是为什么我们能够结束折磨，关闭关塔那摩湾(以作为美军的拘留营而著名)，并改革我们的监管法律，以保护隐私和公民自由。

这就是为什么我反对歧视穆斯林美国人，这就是为什么我们不能退出大规模的全球斗争——我们要扩大民主、人权、妇女权利和LGBT权利，无论我们的努力有多么不完美。因为，这是捍卫美国的一部分。为了反对极端主义以及宗派主义和沙文主义，这是与反威权主义和民族主义侵略的斗争。

这也是我想要表达的最后一点：当我们把民主视为理所当然时，我们的民主就会受到威胁。我们所有人，不论党派，都应该致力于重建我们的民主体制的任务。当投票率是发达民主国家中最低之一时，我们应该使投票更容易，而不是更难。当我们的组织信任度降低时，我们应该减少金钱在政治中的腐蚀性影响，并坚持透明度和道德的公共服务原则。当国会功能失调时，我们应该吸引我们的地区鼓励政客迎合大众需求，而不是僵化的极端。

所有这一切都取决于我们的参与;我们每个人都有公民的责任，无论权力以何种方式摆动。

我们的宪法是一个了不起的，美丽的礼物。但它真的只是一块羊皮纸。它自己没有力量。而是我们，人民，赋予它的权力——我们的参与，和我们做出的选择。我们是否支持我们的自由，是否尊重和执行法治。美国并不脆弱，但是，我们漫长的自由之旅的成果并不确定。

如果你厌倦了在网络上与陌生人争论，尝试在现实生活中与他们进行谈话吧。如果有什么需要改变，那就系好你的鞋带，组织一些事情。如果你对你当选的官员感到失望，可以拿一张剪贴板，拿一些签名，自己去办公室，出面，深入追究，坚持不懈。

有时你会赢，有时你会输。假设别人都具有善良的美德可能是一种风险，而且会有一段时间，这个过程会让你失望。但是，对于我们这些有幸成为这项工作的一份子的人来说，仔细想想，我可以告诉你，它可以使每个人得到激励和启发。在这个过程中，你对美国和美国人的信心将得到证实，而我的信仰已经得到证实。

感谢Michelle，在过去的25年中，你不仅是我的妻子和我的孩子的母亲，也一直是我最好的朋友。你所要承担的这个角色并不是你自己要求的，但你却用优雅、坚韧、独特的风格和幽默感成功地完成了角色转变。你使白宫成为属于每个人的地方。而新一代的年轻人视野会更高，因为他们有你作为榜样。

感谢玛丽亚和萨莎，你们成为了两个了不起的年轻女性，聪明和美丽，但更重要的是，善良和周到，充满激情。你们在聚光灯下承受了多年的负担。在我一生中所做的所有事情中，我最为自豪的是成为你们的父亲。

副总统拜登，是我做出的首个提名，也是最棒的提名。不仅仅是因为你是一个伟大的副总统，也是因为我收获到了你这样一个兄弟。你就像我的家人一样，与你的友谊也是我生活中的一大快乐所在。

对于我那些杰出的工作人员，八年的时间，甚至对其中一些人来说，时间还要更久，我被你们的精力所感染，回想你们每一天的表现，你们的性格、心灵和理想。八年的时间，其中有些人由单身，到结婚生子，开始自己人生路上的新旅程。虽然世事艰难，但你们一直没有被打倒，你们让我自豪。

对于你们所有的人，每位搬到陌生城市的组织者，每一名敲门宣传的志愿者，每一名第一次投票的年轻人，每个为这种变化努力的美国人，你们是最棒的支持者和组织者，我将永远感激在心，因为是你们改变了世界，是你们的功劳。

这也是为什么，我虽然离开仍保持乐观的原因所在，因为我们的工作不仅仅是帮助到很多人，更是激发了很多美国人，尤其是年轻人，相信你们可以有一番作为。

这一代美国人无私、富有创造性，并饱含爱国精神，你们相信公平、公正和包容，你们知道不断保持变化是美国的标志，所以不要害怕，拥抱这些变化，你们会愿意承担这项艰巨的民主工作。你们很快就会超越我们这些人，我相信，未来在你们手中。

我的同胞们，为你们服务是我的荣幸。我不会停止为你们服务，以后我将作为一个公民，与你们站在一起。最后，就像八年前一样，我希望你们能够坚持我们最开始的信念，那些来自奴隶和废奴主义者争取平等的信念，那些移民和自耕农人群的奋斗不息的精神，以及那些对于民主自由权利的争取，这些也是每一位美国人的信念，未来的篇章等待着你们去谱写。

我希望你们能够坚持我们最开始的信念，那些来自奴隶和废奴主义者的想法，那些移民和自耕农人群的精神，以及那些正义的追随者的信仰，这一信念是每个美国人的核心信念，未来的篇章等待着你们去谱写。

是的，我们能行。(Yes We Can. ) 是的，我们做到了。(Yes We Did. ) 是的，我们能行!(Yes We Can.) 愿上帝保佑你们，愿上帝保佑美国!

英文原文

It‘s good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we‘ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it‘s my turn to say thanks. Whether we‘ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people – in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man. I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it. After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it‘s not just my belief. It‘s the beating heart of our American idea – our bold experiment in self-government. It‘s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It‘s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union. This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good. For 240 years, our nation‘s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It‘s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It‘s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It‘s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan – and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well. So that‘s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow. Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some. If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran‘s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high. But that‘s what we did. That‘s what you did. You were the change. You answered people‘s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started. In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it‘s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face. We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours. But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now. That‘s what I want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy. Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one. There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism – these forces haven‘t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland. In other words, it will determine our future. Our democracy won‘t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we‘ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – I will publicly support it. That, after all, is why we serve – to make people‘s lives better, not worse.

But for all the real progress we‘ve made, we know it‘s not enough. Our economy doesn‘t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics. There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocation won‘t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete. And so we must forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don‘t avoid their obligations to the country that‘s made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can‘t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don‘t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come. There‘s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I‘ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum. But we‘re not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don‘t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America‘s workforce. And our economy doesn‘t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women. Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That‘s what our Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won‘t be enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said ―You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.‖

For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face – the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he‘s got all the advantages, but who‘s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change. For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn‘t suddenly vanish in the ‗60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they‘re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they‘re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised. For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn‘t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation‘s creed, and it was strengthened.

So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own. None of this is easy. For too many of us, it‘s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that‘s out there.

This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we‘ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we‘ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible. Isn‘t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we‘re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It‘s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it‘s self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you. Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we‘ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won‘t have time to debate the existence of climate change; they‘ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary. Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders. It‘s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket. It‘s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press. That order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what‘s true and what‘s right.

Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We‘ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition we‘re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief. But protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. That‘s why, for the past eight years, I‘ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. That‘s why we‘ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That‘s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans. That‘s why we cannot withdraw from global fights – to expand democracy, and human rights, women‘s rights, and LGBT rights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened. So let‘s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors. Which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes. And all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings. Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it‘s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power – with our participation, and the choices we make. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured. In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but ―from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;‖ that we should preserve it with ―jealous anxiety;‖ that we should reject ―the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties‖ that make us one.

We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them. It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we‘ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen. Ultimately, that‘s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there‘s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you‘re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life. If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you‘re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in. Persevere. Sometimes you‘ll win. Sometimes you‘ll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America – and in Americans – will be confirmed. Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I‘ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I‘ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charleston church. I‘ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. I‘ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I‘ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other. That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways I couldn‘t possibly have imagined. I hope yours has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2012 – and maybe you still can‘t believe we pulled this whole thing off. You‘re not the only ones. Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you‘ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. You took on a role you didn‘t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You‘ve made me proud. You‘ve made the country proud. Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I‘ve done in my life, I‘m most proud to be your dad.

To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware‘s favorite son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best. Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life. To my remarkable staff: For eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – I‘ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. I‘ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. The only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we‘ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you‘ll achieve from here.

And to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because yes, you changed the world. That‘s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I was when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. This generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – I‘ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America‘s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You‘ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands. My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won‘t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. For now, whether you‘re young or young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President – the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago. I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.

I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written: Yes We Can. Yes We Did. Yes We Can. Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.

第二篇：奥巴马北京演讲中英文对照稿

奥巴马(欧巴马)和胡锦涛于11月17日在北京举行联合新闻记者会，分别发表讲话。奥巴马总统的讲话全文，英语演讲稿+翻译。

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good afternoon. I want to start by thanking President Hu and the Chinese people for the warmth and hospitality that they have shown myself and our delegation since we arrived. We had a wonderful day in Shanghai yesterday, a wonderful discussion with China’s young men and

women, and I’m looking forward to the conversations we’ll have and the sights that we’ll see here in Beijing over the next two days.

奥巴马总统：下午好。首先我要感谢胡主席和中国人民从我们到来后给予我和代表团的热情款待。昨天，我们在上海度过了非常愉快的一天，同中国男女青年进行了一次十分愉快的讨论。我期待着我们今明两天将在北京进行的会谈和景点参观。

We meet here at a time when the relationship between the United States and China has never been more important to our collective future. The major

challenges of the 21st century, from climate change to nuclear proliferation to economic recovery, are challenges that touch both our nations, and challenges that neither of our nations can solve by acting alone.

我们是在美中关系对我们的共同未来具有前所未有的重要性的时刻在这里举行会晤。21世纪的各项重大挑战，无论是气候变化、核扩散还是经济复苏，都与我们两个国家相关，而且哪个国家都不能通过单独行动来对付这些挑战。

That’s why the United States welcomes China’s efforts in playing a greater role on the world stage -- a role in which a growing economy is joined by growing responsibilities. And that’s why President Hu and I talked about continuing to build a positive, cooperative, and comprehensive relationship between our nations.

这就是为什么美国欢迎中国努力在世界舞台上发挥更大的作用——这个作用意味着伴随经济发展而增长的责任。这也就是为什么胡主席和我都谈到要继续建立积极合作全面的美中关系。

As President Hu indicated, we discussed what’s required to sustain this

economic recovery so that economic growth is followed by the creation of new jobs and lasting prosperity. So far China’s partnership has proved critical in our effort to pull ourselves out of the worst recession in generations.

如胡主席所说，我们讨论了要使经济复苏持续所必须采取的措施，以便使经济增长带来新的就业机会，实现持久繁荣。迄今，与中国的伙伴关系被证明在我们为摆脱几代人以来最严重的衰退所作的努力中至关重要。

Going forward, we agreed to advance the pledge made at the G20 summit in

Pittsburgh and pursue a strategy of more balanced economic growth -- a

strategy where America saves more, spends less, reduces our long-term debt, and where China makes adjustments across a broad range of policies to

rebalance its economy and spur domestic demand. This will lead to increased U.S. exports and jobs, on the one hand, and higher living standards in China on the other.

展望未来，我们同意推进我们在匹兹堡20国集团峰会上所作的保证，实施经济更平衡增长的策略。根据这一策略，美国要增加储蓄，降低消费，减少长期债务，而中国则要进行各项政策调整以平衡经济，刺激内需。这样，将一方面增加美国的出口和就业机会，另一方面提高中国的生活水平。

As President Hu indicated, we also agreed that maintaining open market and free flows of commerce in both our nations will contribute to our shared

prosperity. And I was pleased to note the Chinese commitment, made in past statements, to move toward a more market-oriented exchange rate over time. I emphasized in our discussions, and have others in the region, that doing so based on economic fundamentals would make an essential contribution to the global rebalancing effort.

如胡主席所说，我们还一致认为，保持我们两国市场的开放和商贸的自由流通将能增进我们的共同繁荣。我很高兴地注意到，中国多次表示了对逐步实现在更大程度上由市场决定汇率的承诺。我在双方以及在与地区其他各方的讨论中强调，这样按照基本经济原理行事将是对全球经济的重新平衡的重大贡献。

President Hu and I also made progress on the issue of climate change. As the two largest consumers and producers of energy, there can be no solution to this challenge without the efforts of both China and the United States. That’s why we’ve agreed to a series of important new initiatives in this area. As President Hu indicated, we are creating a joint clean energy research center, and have achieved agreements on energy efficiency, renewable energy, cleaner uses of coal, electric vehicles, and shale gas.

胡主席和我在气候变化问题上也取得了进展。作为能源的最大消费国和生产国，没有中美两国的共同努力就无法成功地应对这一挑战。因此我们同意在这一领域采取一系列新的重要行动。胡主席已说明，我们将设立一个清洁能源联合研究中心，我们还就能效、可再生能源、清洁使用煤炭、电动车辆和页岩气等问题达成一致。

We also agreed to work toward a successful outcome in Copenhagen. Our aim there, in support of what Prime Minister Rasmussen of Denmark is trying to achieve, is not a partial accord or a political declaration, but rather an accord that covers all of the issues in the negotiations, and one that has immediate operational effect. This kind of comprehensive agreement would be an

important step forward in the effort to rally the world around a solution to our

climate challenge. And we agreed that each of us would take significant mitigation actions and stand behind these commitments.

我们还同意为哥本哈根会议取得成果而努力。为支持丹麦首相拉斯穆森

(Rasmussen)所争取实现的目标，我们将不是致力于一项局部性的协议，也不是一份政治宣言，而是一项包含谈判涉及的所有问题的协议，一项可立即运作的协议。这样的全面协议将使动员全世界共同应对气候挑战的努力向前跨出重要一步。我们同意，双方都将采取重大的减缓行动，坚定地履行这些承诺。 On the issue of nonproliferation, President Hu and I discussed our shared commitment to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and I told him how

appreciative I am of China’s support for the global nonproliferation regime as well as the verifiable elimination of North Korea’s nuclear weapons program. 在防扩散问题上，胡主席和我讨论了制止核武器扩散的共同承诺，我向胡主席表示了我对中国支持全球防扩散制度和可验证地消除北韩核武器项目的极大赞赏。 We agreed on the importance of resuming the six-party talks as soon as

possible. As I said in Tokyo, North Korea has a choice: It can continue down the path of confrontation and provocation that has led to less security, less

prosperity, and more isolation from the global community, or it can choose to become a full member of the international community, which will give a better life to its people by living up to international obligations and foregoing nuclear weapons.

我们一致认为尽快恢复六方会谈是重要的。正如我在东京说过的，北韩面临一个选择：它可以继续沿着对峙挑衅的道路走下去，结果只会是安全更少，繁荣更小，在全球社会中更加孤立;它也可以选择成为国际社会的正式成员，恪守国际义务，放弃核武器，让自己的人民过上更好的生活。

In the same way, we agreed that the Islamic Republic of Iran must provide assurances to the international community that its nuclear program is peaceful and transparent. On this point, our two nations and the rest of our P5-plus-1 partners are unified. Iran has an opportunity to present and demonstrate its peaceful intentions, but if it fails to take this opportunity there will be consequences.

同样地，我们也一致认为伊朗伊斯兰共和国必须向国际社会提供保证，保证其核项目是和平而且透明的。在这一点上，我们两国和五常加一的其他伙伴国意见一致。伊朗有此机会展示和表明其和平的目的，但如果它没能利用这次机会，则将面临后果。

President Hu and I also discussed our mutual interest in security and stability of Afghanistan and Pakistan. And neither country can or should be used as a base for terrorism, and we agreed to cooperate more on meeting this goal, including

bringing about more stable, peaceful relations in all of South Asia.

胡锦涛主席和我还讨论了我们对阿富汗和巴基斯坦的安全和稳定的共同利益。这两个国家都不能也不应该成为恐怖分子的基地。我们同意为达到这个目标加深合作，包括在整个南亚建设更稳定、和平的关系。

Finally, as I did yesterday in Shanghai, I spoke to President Hu about America’s bedrock beliefs that all men and women possess certain fundamental human rights. We do not believe these principles are unique to America, but rather they are universal rights and that they should be available to all peoples, to all ethnic and religious minorities. And our two countries agreed to continue to move this discussion forward in a human rights dialogue that is scheduled for early next year.

最后，如同我昨天在上海时一样，我向胡锦涛主席谈了美国的基本信念，即人人都有某些最基本的人权。我们不认为这些原则是美国特有的，它们是普遍的权利。各国人民，各个少数民族和宗教少数派都应该享有。我们两国同意在定于明年年初举行的人权对话中继续推动这种讨论。

As President Hu indicated, the United States respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of China. And once again, we have reaffirmed our strong commitment to a one-China policy.

正如胡锦涛主席指出的那样，美国尊重中国的主权和领土完整。我们再次重申对一个中国政策的承诺。

We did note that while we recognize that Tibet is part of the People’s Republic of China, the United States supports the early resumption of dialogue between the Chinese government and representatives of the Dalai Lama to resolve any concerns and differences that the two sides may have. We also applauded the steps that the People’s Republic of China and Taiwan have already taken to relax tensions and build ties across the Taiwan Strait.

我们的确指出，尽管我们承认西藏是中华人民共和国的一部分，但美国支持中国政府与**喇嘛的代表早日恢复对话，以解决双方存在的担忧和分歧。我们也对中华人民共和国和台湾已经采取的缓和紧张局势和建立海峡两岸联系的步骤表示赞赏。

Our own policy, based on the three U.S.-China communiqués and the Taiwan Relations Act, supports the further development of these ties -- ties that are in the interest of both sides, as well as the broader region and the United States. 基于美中三个联合公报和《台湾关系法》，我们自身的政策是支持继续发展这些关系——这些关系有利于双方，有利于更广大的地区和美国。

These are just some of the issues that President Hu and I discussed. But we also know that the relationship between our two nations goes far beyond any single issue. In this young century, the jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek, all these things are shared. 这些只是胡锦涛主席和我讨论的问题的一部分。但是，我们也知道，我们两国的关系远远超出任何单一问题。置身这个世纪的初期，我们所做的工作，所创建的繁荣，所保护的环境，所寻求的安全——所有这一切都是共同分享的。

Given that interconnection, I do not believe that one country’s success must come at the expense of another. That’s why the United States welcomes China as a strong, prosperous and successful member of the community of nations. 鉴于这种相互关联，我不认为一个国家的成功必须以牺牲另一个国家的利益为代价。这就是为什么美国欢迎中国成为国际社会中一个强大、繁荣和成功的成员。 Our relationship going forward will not be without disagreement or difficulty. But because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and secure. We’ve seen what’s possible when we build upon our mutual interests and engage on the basis of equality and mutual respect. And I very much look forward to deepening that engagement and understanding during this trip and in the months and years to come.我们未来的关系不会没有分歧和困难。但由于我们的合作，美国和中国都更繁荣、更安全。我们已经看到，当我们在互利的基础上发展、在平等和相互尊重的基础上往来时能够取得什么样的成果。我非常期待在这次访问中和在未来的岁月里，加深这种交往和理解。

第三篇：奥巴马开学中英文演讲稿

奥巴马开学中英文演讲稿(全文)

Hello, everybody! Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, everybody. All right, everybody go ahead and have a seat. How is everybody doing today? (Applause.) How about Tim Spicer? (Applause.) I am here with students at Wakefield High School in Arlington, Virginia. And we’ve got students tuning in from all across America, from kindergarten through 12th grade. And I am just so glad that all could join us today. And I want to thank Wakefield for being such an outstanding host. Give yourselves a big round of applause. (Applause.)

大家好!谢谢你们。谢谢你们。谢谢你们大家。好，大家请就坐。你们今天都好吗?(掌声)蒂姆·斯派塞(Tim Spicer)好吗?(掌声)我现在与弗吉尼亚州阿灵顿郡韦克菲尔德高中的学生们在一起。美国各地从小学预备班到中学12年级的学生正在收听收看。我很高兴大家今天都能参与。我还要感谢韦克菲尔德高中出色的组织安排。请为你们自己热烈鼓掌。(掌声)

I know that for many of you, today is the first day of school. And for those of you in kindergarten, or starting middle or high school, it’s your first day in a new school, so it’s understandable if you’re a little nervous. I imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now -- (applause) -- with just one more year to go. And no matter what grade you’re in, some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could’ve stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning.

我知道，今天是你们很多人开学的日子。对于进入小学预备班、初中或高中的学生，今天是你们来到新学校的第一天，心里可能有点紧张，这是可以理解的。我能想象有些毕业班学生现在感觉很不错——(掌声)——还有一年就毕业了。不论在哪个年级，你们有些人可能希望暑假更长一点，今天早上还能多睡一小会儿。

I know that feeling. When I was young, my family lived overseas. I lived in Indonesia for a few years. And my mother, she didn’t have the money to send me where all the American kids went to school, but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an American education. So she decided to teach me extra lessons herself, Monday through Friday. But because she had to go to work, the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the morning.

我了解这种感觉。我小时候，我们家生活在海外。我在印度尼西亚住了几年。我妈妈没有钱送我上其他美国孩子上的学校，但她认为必须让我接受美式教育。因此，她决定从周一到周五自己给我补课。不过她还要上班，所以只能在清晨四点半给我上课。

Now, as you might imagine, I wasn’t too happy about getting up that early. And a lot of times, I’d fall asleep right there at the kitchen table. But whenever I’d complain, my mother would just give me one of those looks and she’d say, “This is no picnic for me either, buster.” (Laughter.)

你们可以想见，我不太情愿那么早起床。有很多次，我趴在餐桌上就睡着了。但每当我抱怨的时候，我妈妈都会那样地看我一眼，然后说：“小子，这对我也并不轻松。”(笑声)

So I know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school. But I’m here today because I have something important to discuss with you. I’m here because I want to talk with you about your education and what’s expected of all of you in this new school year. 我知道你们有些人还在适应开学后的生活。但我今天来到这里是因为有重要的事情要和你们说。我来这里是要和你们谈谈你们的教育问题，以及在这个新学年对你们所有人的期望。

Now, I’ve given a lot of speeches about education. And I’ve talked about responsibility a lot.

我做过很多次有关教育问题的演讲。我多次谈到过责任问题。

I’ve talked about teachers’ responsibility for inspiring students and pushing you to learn.

我谈到过教师激励学生并督促他们学习的责任。

I’ve talked about your parents’ responsibility for making sure you stay on track, and you get your homework done, and don’t spend every waking hour in front of the TV or with the Xbox.

我谈到过家长的责任，要确保你们走正路，完成家庭作业，不要整天坐在电视前或玩Xbox游戏。

I’ve talked a lot about your government’s responsibility for setting high standards, and supporting teachers and principals, and turning around schools that aren’t working, where students aren’t getting the opportunities that they deserve.

我多次谈到过政府的责任，要制定高标准，支持教师和校长的工作，彻底改善不能为学生提供应有机会的、教育质量差的学校。

But at the end of the day, we can have the most dedicated teachers, the most supportive parents, the best schools in the world -- and none of it will make a difference, none of it will matter unless all of you fulfill your responsibilities, unless you show up to those schools, unless you pay attention to those teachers, unless you listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed. That’s what I want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education.

然而，即使我们拥有最敬业的教师，最尽力的家长和全世界最好的学校——如果你们大家不履行你们的责任，不到校上课，不专心听讲，不听家长、祖父祖母和其他大人的话，不付出取得成功所必须的勤奋努力，那么这一切都毫无用处，都无关紧要。这就是我今天讲话的重点：你们每个人对自己的教育应尽的责任。

I want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself. Every single one of you has something that you’re good at. Every single one of you has something to offer. And you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is. That’s the opportunity an education can provide. 我首先要讲讲你们对自己应尽的责任。你们每个人都有自己的长处。你们每个人都能做出自己的贡献。你们对自己应尽的责任是发现自己的能力所在。而教育能够提供这样的机会。

Maybe you could be a great writer -- maybe even good enough to write a book or articles in a newspaper -- but you might not know it until you write that English paper -- that English class paper that’s assigned to you. Maybe you could be an innovator or an inventor -- maybe even good enough to come up with the next iPhone or the new medicine or vaccine -- but you might not know it until you do your project for your science class. Maybe you could be a mayor or a senator or a Supreme Court justice -- but you might not know that until you join student government or the debate team.

你或许能成为一名出色的作家——甚至可能写书或在报纸上发表文章——但你可能要在完成那篇英文课的作文后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名创新者或发明家——甚至可能设计出新一代iPhone或研制出新型药物或疫苗——但你可能要在完成科学课的实验后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名市长或参议员或最高法院的大法官——但你可能要在参加学生会的工作或辩论队后才会发现自己的才华。

And no matter what you want to do with your life, I guarantee that you’ll need an education to do it. You want to be a doctor, or a teacher, or a police officer? You want to be a nurse or an architect, a lawyer or a member of our military? You’re going to need a good education for every single one of those careers. You cannot drop out of school and just drop into a good job. You’ve got to train for it and work for it and learn for it.

不论你的生活志向是什么，我敢肯定你必须上学读书才能实现它。你想当医生、教师或警官吗?你想当护士、建筑师、律师或军人吗?你必须接受良好的教育，才能从事上述任何一种职业。你不能指望辍学后能碰上个好工作。你必须接受培训，为之努力，为之学习。

And this isn’t just important for your own life and your own future. What you make of your education will decide nothing less than the future of this country. The future of America depends on you. What you’re learning in school today will determine whether we as a nation can meet our greatest challenges in the future.

这并非只对你个人的人生和未来意义重大。可以毫不夸大地说，教育给你带来的益处将决定这个国家的未来。美国的未来取决于你们。你们今日在校学习的知识将决定我们作为一个国家是否能够迎接我们未来所面临的最严峻挑战。

You’ll need the knowledge and problem-solving skills you learn in science and math to cure diseases like cancer and AIDS, and to develop new energy technologies and protect our environment. You’ll need the insights and critical-thinking skills you gain in history and social studies to fight poverty and homelessness, crime and discrimination, and make our nation more fair and more free. You’ll need the creativity and ingenuity you develop in all your classes to build new companies that will create new jobs and boost our economy.

你们将需要利用你们通过自然科学和数学课程所学到的知识和解决问题的能力来治愈癌症、艾滋病及其他疾病，开发新的能源技术和保护我们的环境。你们将需要利用你们在历史学和社会学课堂上所获得的知识和独立思考能力来抗击贫困和解决无家可归问题，打击犯罪和消除歧视，使我们的国家更公平、更自由。你们将需要利用你们在所有课堂上培养的创造力和智慧来创办新公司，增加就业机会，振兴我们的经济。

We need every single one of you to develop your talents and your skills and your intellect so you can help us old folks solve our most difficult problems. If you don’t do that -- if you quit on school -- you’re not just quitting on yourself, you’re quitting on your country.

我们需要你们每个人发挥你们的聪明才智和技能，以便帮助老一辈人解决我们面临的最棘手问题。如果你们不这样做，如果你们辍学，你们不仅仅是自暴自弃，也是抛弃自己的国家。

Now, I know it’s not always easy to do well in school. I know a lot of you have challenges in your lives right now that can make it hard to focus on your schoolwork.

我自然知道要做到学业优秀并非总是易事。我知道你们许多人在生活中面临挑战，难以集中精力从事学业。

I get it. I know what it’s like. My father left my family when I was two years old, and I was raised by a single mom who had to work and who struggled at times to pay the bills and wasn’t always able to give us the things that other kids had. There were times when I missed having a father in my life. There were times when I was lonely and I felt like I didn’t fit in.

我明白这一点。我有亲身感受。两岁时，我父亲离家而去，我是由一位单亲母亲抚养成人的，母亲不得不工作，并时常为支付生活费用而苦苦挣扎，但有时仍无法为我们提供其他孩子享有的东西。有时，我渴望生活中能有一位父亲。有时我感到孤独，感到自己不适应社会。

So I wasn’t always as focused as I should have been on school, and I did some things I’m not proud of, and I got in more trouble than I should have. And my life could have easily taken a turn for the worse.

我并非总是像我应该做到的那样专心学习，我也曾做过我如今不能引以为豪的一些事情，我曾惹过不应该惹的麻烦。我的人生原本会轻易陷入更糟糕的境地

奥巴马开学中英文演讲稿(全文)

Now, I’ve given a lot of speeches about education. And I’ve talked about responsibility a lot.

I’ve talked about teachers’ responsibility for inspiring students and pushing you to learn.

I’ve talked about your parents’ responsibility for making sure you stay on track, and you get your homework done, and don’t spend every waking hour in front of the TV or with the Xbox.

Now, I know it’s not always easy to do well in school. I know a lot of you have challenges in your lives right now that can make it hard to focus on your schoolwork.

第四篇：奥巴马获胜演说演讲稿（中英文）

barack

obama’s

victory

speech:

change

has

come

america

there

anyone

out

there

who

still

doubts

that

america

place

where

all

things

are

possible,

who

still

wonders

the

dream

our

founders

alive

our

time,

who

still

questions

the

power

our

democracy,

tonight

your

answer.如果，还有人怀疑美国是一切皆有可能的国度，还有人怀疑国父们的梦想在我们的时代是否还存在，还有人怀疑我们的民主所拥有的力量，那么今晚，你听到了回答。

it’s

the

answer

told

lines

that

stretched

around

schools

and

churches

numbers

this

nation

has

never

seen,

people

who

waited

three

hours

and

four

hours,

many

for

the

first

time

their

lives,

because

they

believed

that

this

time

must

different,

that

their

voices

could

that

difference.是那些今天在学校和教堂排着长队、数不胜数的选民做出了回答;是那些为了投票等待了三四个小时的人们做出了回答。他们中的很多人，是有生以来第一次投票，因为他们相信，这次真的不同――他们的声音会让这次不同。

it’s

the

answer

spoken

young

and

old,

rich

and

poor,

democrat

and

republican,

black,

white,

hispanic,

asian,

native

american,

gay,

straight,

disabled

and

not

disabled.americans

who

sent

message

the

world

that

have

never

been

just

collection

individuals

collection

red

states

and

blue

states.

are,

and

always

will

be,

the

united

states

america.这个回答来自青年、老人、穷人、富人、民主党、共和党人、黑皮肤、白皮肤、拉美人、亚裔、印第安人、同性恋和非同性恋者、残疾人和健全者。美国告诉世界，我们从来就不是一半红、一半蓝(译者：分别代表民主党和共和党。)，我们是——美利坚合众国。

it’s

the

answer

that

led

those

who’ve

been

told

for

long

many

cynical

and

fearful

and

doubtful

about

what

can

achieve

put

their

hands

the

arc

history

and

bend

once

toward

the

hope

better

day.很多人，在长久以往的耳濡目染中愤世嫉俗、担忧、怀疑。但今天他们做出了回答。他们的双手扭转了历史，让历史转向充满希望的新的一天。

it’s

been

long

time

coming,

but

tonight,

because

what

did

this

date

this

election

this

defining

moment

change

has

come

america.我们等待了很久。但今夜，因为我们今天的努力、因为这次选举，在这决定性的时刻，美国终于迎来了转变。

little

bit

earlier

this

evening,

received

extraordinarily

gracious

call

from

sen.mccain.sen.

mccain

fought

long

and

hard

this

campaign.

and

he’s

fought

even

longer

and

harder

for

the

country

that

loves.

has

endured

sacrifices

for

america

that

most

cannot

begin

imagine.

are

better

off

for

the

service

rendered

this

brave

and

selfless

leader.

congratulate

him;

congratulate

gov.

palin

for

all

that

they’ve

achieved.

and

look

forward

working

with

them

renew

this

nation’s

promise

the

months

ahead.我刚刚收到麦凯恩参议员打来的电话，他非常诚挚。在这次漫长的竞选中，他付出了艰苦的努力。而为这个他所爱的国家，他付出得更多、时间也更长。他忍受过的牺牲，是我们很多美国人无法想象的。这位勇敢而无私的领袖的付出会让我们的国家更强大。对麦凯恩参议员和佩林州长所取得的成绩，我这里也表示钦佩。我期待在接下来的几个月中，与他们一道重拾美国的承诺。

第五篇：奥巴马-奥巴马就职演讲稿(中英文对照)3

两分钟做个小测试，看看你的英语水平

http://m.meten.com/test/quwen.aspx?tid=16-73675-0

美联英语提供：奥巴马就职演讲稿(中英文对照)3 We, the people, still believe that our obligations as Americans are not just to ourselves, but to all posterity. We will respond to the threat of climate change, knowing that the failure to do so would betray our children and future generations. Some may still deny the overwhelming judgment of science, but none can avoid the devastating impact of raging fires, and crippling drought, and more powerful storms. The path towards sustainable energy sources will be long and sometimes difficult. But America cannot resist this transition; we must lead it. We cannot cede to other nations the technology that will power new jobs and new industries – we must claim its promise. That is how we will maintain our economic vitality and our national treasure – our forests and waterways; our croplands and snowcapped peaks. That is how we will preserve our planet, commanded to our care by God. That’s what will lend meaning to the creed our fathers once declared. 我们，人民，仍然相信，我们作为美国人的义务不只是对我们自己而言，还包括对子孙后代。我们将应对气候变化的威胁，认识到不采取措施应对气候变化就是对我们的孩子和后代的背叛。一些人可能仍在否定科学界的压倒性判断，但没有人能够避免熊熊火灾、严重旱灾、更强力风暴带来的灾难性打击。通向可再生能源利用的道路是漫长的，有时是困难的。但美国不能抵制这种趋势，我们必须引领这种趋势。我们不能把制造新就业机会和新行业的技术让给其他国家，我们必须明确这一承诺。这是我们保持经济活力和国家财富(我们的森

林和航道，我们的农田与雪峰)的方法。这将是我们保护我们星球的办法，上帝把这个星球托付给我们。这将给我们的建国之父们曾宣布的信条赋予意义。

We, the people, still believe that enduring security and lasting peace do not require perpetual war. Our brave men and women in uniform, tempered by the flames of battle, are unmatched in skill and courage. Our citizens, seared by the memory of those we have lost, know too well the price that is paid for liberty. The knowledge of their sacrifice will keep us forever vigilant against those who would do us harm. But we are also heirs to those who won the peace and not just the war, who turned sworn enemies into the surest of friends, and we must carry those lessons into this time as well. 我们，人民，仍然相信持久的安全与和平，不需要持续的战争。我们勇敢的士兵经受了战火的考验，他们的技能和勇气是无可匹敌的。我们的公民依然铭记着那些阵亡者，他们非常清楚我们为自由付出的代价。明白他们的牺牲将让我们永远对那些试图伤害我们的势力保持警惕。但我们也是那些赢得和平而不只是战争的人们的后代，他们将仇敌转变成最可靠的朋友，我们也必须把这些经验带到这个时代。

We will defend our people and uphold our values through strength of arms and rule of law. We will show the courage to try and resolve our differences with other nations peacefully – not because we are naïve about the dangers we face, but because engagement can more durably lift suspicion and fear. America will remain the anchor of strong alliances in every corner of the globe; and we will renew those institutions that extend our capacity to manage crisis abroad, for no one has a greater stake in a peaceful world than its most powerful nation. We will support

democracy from Asia to Africa; from the Americas to the Middle East, because our interests and our conscience compel us to act on behalf of those who long for freedom. And we must be a source of hope to the poor, the sick, the marginalized, the victims of prejudice – not out of mere charity, but because peace in our time requires the constant advance of those principles that our common creed describes: tolerance and opportunity; human dignity and justice. 我们将通过强大的军力和法制保护我们的人民，捍卫我们的价值观。我们将展现试图和平解决与其它国家分歧的勇气，但这不是因为我们对面临的危险持幼稚的态度，而是因为接触能够更持久地化解疑虑和恐惧。美国将在全球保持强大的联盟，我们将更新这些能扩展我们应对海外危机能力的机制。因为作为世界上最强大的国家，我们在世界和平方面拥有最大的利益。我们将支持从亚洲到非洲、从美洲至中东的民主国家，因为我们的利益和良心驱使我们代表那些想获得自由的人们采取行动。我们必须成为贫困者、病患者、被边缘化的人士、异见受害者的希望来源，不仅仅是出于慈善，也是因为这个时代的和平需要不断推进我们共同信念中的原则：宽容和机遇，人类尊严与正义。

We, the people, declare today that the most evident of truths – that all of us are created equal – is the star that guides us still; just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall; just as it guided all those men and women, sung and unsung, who left footprints along this great Mall, to hear a preacher say that we cannot walk alone; to hear a King proclaim that our individual freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of every soul on Earth. 我们，人民，今天昭示的最明白的事实是——我们所有人都是生而平等的，这是依然引领我们的恒星。它引领我们的先辈穿越纽约塞尼卡瀑布城(女权抗议事件)、塞尔马(黑人

权力事件)和石墙骚乱(同性恋与警察发生的暴力事件)，引领着所有的男性和女性，留下姓名和没留姓名的人。在伟大的征程中，一路上留下足迹的人。曾经听一位牧师说，我们不能独自前行。马丁-路德-金说，我们个人的自由与地球上每个灵魂的自由不可分割。两分钟做个小测试，看看你的英语水平http://m.meten.com/test/quwen.aspx?tid=16-73675-0

本文来自 360文秘网(www.360wenmi.com)，转载请保留网址和出处

【奥巴马演讲英文范文】相关文章：

奥巴马2013就职演讲文本英文版04-28